CAESAR once, seeing some wealthy strangers at Rome, carrying up anddown with them in their arms and bosoms young puppy-dogs and monkeys,embracing and making much of them, took occasion not unnaturally toask whether the women in their country were not used to bear children；by that prince-like reprimand gravely reflecting upon persons whospend and lavish upon brute beasts that affection and kindness whichnature has implanted in us to be bestowed on those of our own kind.With like reason may we blame those who misuse that love of inquiryand observation which nature has implanted in our souls, by expendingit on objects unworthy of the attention either of their eyes or theirears, while they disregard such as are excellent in themselves, andwould do them good.

    The mere outward sense, being passive in responding to the impressionof the objects that come in its way and strike upon it, perhaps cannothelp entertaining and taking notice of everything that addresses it,be it what it will, useful or unuseful； but, in the exercise of hismental perception, every man, if he chooses, has a natural power toturn himself upon all occasions, and to change and shift with thegreatest ease to what he shall himself judge desirable. So that itbecomes a man's duty to pursue and make after the best and choicestof everything, that he may not only employ his contemplation, butmay also be improved by it. For as that colour is more suitable tothe eye whose freshness and pleasantness stimulates and strengthensthe sight, so a man ought to apply his intellectual perception tosuch objects as, with the sense of delight, are apt to call it forth,and allure it to its own proper good and advantage.

    Such objects we find in the acts of virtue, which also produce inthe minds of mere readers about them an emulation and eagerness thatmay lead them on to imitation. In other things there does not immediatelyfollow upon the admiration and liking of the thing done any strongdesire of doing the like. Nay, many times, on the very contrary, whenwe are pleased with the work, we slight and set little by the workmanor artist himself, as for instance, in perfumes and purple dyes, weare taken with the things themselves well enough, but do not thinkdyers and perfumers otherwise than low and sordid people. It was notsaid amiss by Antisthenes, when people told him that one Ismeniaswas an excellent piper. "It may be so," said he, "but he is but awretched human being, otherwise he would not have been an excellentpiper." And King Philip, to the same purpose, told his son Alexander,who once at a merry-meeting played a piece of music charmingly andskilfully, "Are you not ashamed, son, to play so well？" For it isenough for a king or prince to find leisure sometimes to hear otherssing, and he does the muses quite honour enough when he pleases tobe but present, while others engage in such exercises and trials ofskill.

    He who busies himself in mean occupations produces, in the very painshe takes about things of little or no use, an evidence against himselfof his negligence and indisposition to what is really good. Nor didany generous and ingenuous young man, at the sight of the statue ofJupiter at Pisa, ever desire to be a Phidias, or on seeing that ofJuno at Argos, long to be a Polycletus, or feel induced by his pleasurein their poems to wish to be an Anacreon or Philetas or Archilochus.For it does not necessarily follow, that, if a piece of work pleasefor its gracefulness, therefore he that wrought it deserves our admiration.Whence it is that neither do such things really profit or advantagethe beholders, upon the sight of which no zeal arises for the imitationof them, nor any impulse or inclination, which may prompt any desireor endeavour of doing the like. But virtue, by the bare statementof its actions, can so affect men's minds as to create at once bothadmiration of the things done and desire to imitate the doers of them.The goods of fortune we would possess and would enjoy； those of virtuewe long to practise and exercise： we are content to receive the formerfrom others, the latter we wish others to experience from us. Moralgood is a practical stimulus； it is no sooner seen, than it inspiresan impulse to practice, and influences the mind and character notby a mere imitation which we look at, but by the statement of thefact creates a moral purpose which we form.

    And so we have thought fit to spend our time and pains in writingof the lives of famous persons； and have composed this tenth bookupon that subject, containing the life of Pericles, and that of FabiusMaximus, who carried on the war against Hannibal, men alike, as intheir other virtues and good parts, so especially in their mind andupright temper and demeanour, and in that capacity to bear the cross-grainedhumours of their fellow-citizens and colleagues in office, which madethem both most useful and serviceable to the interests of their countries.Whether we take a right aim at our intended purpose, it is left tothe reader to judge by what he shall here find.

    Pericles was of the tribe Acamantis, and the township Cholargus, ofthe noblest birth both on his father's and mother's side. Xanthippus,his father, who defeated the King of Persia's generals in the battleof Mycale, took to wife Agariste, the grandchild of Clisthenes, whodrove out the sons of Pisistratus, and nobly put an end to their tyrannicalusurpation, and, moreover, made a body of laws, and settled a modelof government admirably tempered and suited for the harmony and safetyof the people.

    His mother, being near her time, fancied in a dream that she was broughtto bed of a lion, and a few days after was delivered of Pericles,in other respects perfectly formed, only his head was somewhat longishand out of proportion. For which reason almost all the images andstatues that were made of him have the head covered with a helmet,the workmen apparently being willing not to expose him. The poetsof Athens called him Schinocephalos, or squill-head, from schinos,a squill, or sea-onion. One of the comic poets, Cratinus, in the Chirons,tells us that-

    "Old Chronos once took queen Sedition to wife： Which two brought to life That tyrant far-famed, Whom the gods the supreme skull-compeller have named； and, in theNemesis, addresses him-

    "Come, Jove, thou head of Gods." And a second, Teleclides, says, thatnow, in embarrassment with political difficulties, he sits in thecity-

    "Fainting underneath the load Of his own head： and now abroad From his huge gallery of a pate Sends forth trouble to the state." And a third, Eupolis, in the comedycalled the Demi, in a series of questions about each of the demagogues,whom he makes in the play to come up from hell, upon Pericles beingnamed last, exclaims-

    "And here by way of summary, now we've done, Behold, in brief, the heads of all in one."

    The master that taught him music, most authors are agreed, was Damon（whose name, they say, ought to be pronounced with the first syllableshort）。 Though Aristotle tells us that he was thoroughly practisedin all accomplishments of this kind by Pythoclides. Damon, it is notunlikely, being a sophist, out of policy sheltered himself under theprofession of music to conceal from people in general his skill inother things, and under this pretence attended Pericles, the youngathlete of politics, so to say, as his training-master in these exercises.Damon's lyre, however, did not prove altogether a successful blind；he was banished the country by ostracism for ten years, as a dangerousintermeddler and a favourer of arbitrary power, and, by this means,gave the stage occasion to play upon him. As, for instance, Plato,the comic poet, introduces a character who questions him-

    "Tell me, if you please, Since you're the Chiron who taught Pericles."

    Pericles, also, was a hearer of Zeno, the Eleatic, who treated ofnatural philosophy in the same manner as Parmenides did, but had alsoperfected himself in an art of his own for refuting and silencingopponents in argument； as Timon of Phlius describes it-

    "Also the two-edged tongue of mighty Zeno, who, Say what one would, could argue it untrue."

    But he that saw most of Pericles, and furnished him most especiallywith a weight and grandeur of sense, superior to all arts of popularity,and in general gave him his elevation and sublimity of purpose andof character, was Anaxagoras of Clazomenae； whom the men of thosetimes called by the name of Nous, that is, mind, or intelligence,whether in admiration of the great and extraordinary gift he had displayedfor the science of nature, or because that he was the first of thephilosophers who did not refer the first ordering of the world tofortune or chance, nor to necessity or compulsion, but to a pure,unadulterated intelligence, which in all other existing mixed andcompound things acts as a principle of discrimination, and of combinationof like with like.

    For this man, Pericles entertained an extraordinary esteem and admiration,and filling himself with this lofty and, as they call it, up-in-the-airsort of thought, derived hence not merely, as was natural, elevationof purpose and dignity of language, raised far above the base anddishonest buffooneries of mob eloquence, but, besides this, a composureof countenance, and a serenity and calmness in all his movements,which no occurrence whilst he was speaking could disturb, a sustainedand even tone of voice, and various other advantages of a similarkind, which produced the greatest effect on his hearers. Once, afterbeing reviled and ill-spoken of all day long in his own hearing bysome vile and abandoned fellow in the open market-place, where hewas engaged in the despatch of some urgent affair. He continued hisbusiness in perfect silence, and in the evening returned home composedly,the man still dogging him at the heels, and pelting him all the waywith abuse and foul language； and stepping into his house, it beingby this time dark, he ordered one of his servants to take a light,and to go along with the man and see him safe home. Ion, it is true,the dramatic poet, says that Pericles's manner in company was somewhatover-assuming and pompous； and that into his high-bearing there entereda good deal of slightingness and scorn of others； he reserves hiscommendation for Cimon's ease and pliancy and natural grace in society.Ion, however, who must needs make virtue, like a show of tragedies,include some comic scenes, we shall not altogether rely upon； Zenoused to bid those who called Pericles's gravity the affectation ofa charlatan, to go and affect the like themselves； inasmuch as thismere counterfeiting might in time insensibly instil into them a reallove and knowledge of those noble qualities.

    Nor were these the only advantages which Pericles derived from Anaxagoras'sacquaintance； he seems also to have become, by his instructions, superiorto that superstition with which an ignorant wonder at appearances,for example, in the heavens, possesses the minds of people unacquaintedwith their causes, eager for the supernatural, and excitable throughan inexperience which the knowledge of natural causes removes, replacingwild and timid superstition by the good hope and assurance of an intelligentpiety.

    There is a story, that once Pericles had brought to him from a countryfarm of his a ram's head with one horn, and that Lampon, the diviner,upon seeing the horn grow strong and solid out of the midst of theforehead, gave it as his judgment, that, there being at that timetwo potent factions, parties, or interests in the city, the one ofThucydides and the other of Pericles, the government would come aboutto that one of them in whose ground or estate this token or indicationof fate had shown itself. But that Anaxagoras, cleaving the skullin sunder, showed to the bystanders that the brain had not filledup its natural place, but being oblong, like an egg, had collectedfrom all parts of the vessel which contained it in a point to thatplace from whence the root of the horn took its rise. And that, forthat time, Anaxagoras was much admired for his explanation by thosethat were present； and Lampon no less a little while after, when Thucydideswas overpowered, and the whole affairs of the state and governmentcame into the hands of Pericles.

    And yet, in my opinion, it is no absurdity to say that they were bothin the right, both natural philosopher and diviner, one justly detectingthe cause of this event, by which it was produced, the other the endfor which it was designed. For it was the business of the one to findout and give an account of what it was made, and in what manner andby what means it grew as it did； and of the other to foretell to whatend and purpose it was so made, and what it might mean or portend.Those who say that to find out the cause of a prodigy is in effectto destroy its supposed signification as such, do not take notice,that, at the same time, together with divine prodigies, they alsodo away with signs and signals of human art and concert, as, for instance,the clashings of quoits, fire-beacons, and the shadows of sun-dials,every one of which has its cause, and by that cause and contrivanceis a sign of something else. But these are subjects, perhaps, thatwould better befit another place.

    Pericles, while yet but a young man, stood in considerable apprehensionof the people, as he was thought in face and figure to be very likethe tyrant Pisistratus, and those of great age remarked upon the sweetnessof his voice, and his volubility and rapidity in speaking, and werestruck with amazement at the resemblance. Reflecting, too, that hehad a considerable estate, and was descended of a noble family, andhad friends of great influence, he was fearful all this might bringhim to be banished as a dangerous person, and for this reason meddlednot at all with state affairs, but in military service showed himselfof a brave and intrepid nature. But when Aristides was now dead, andThemistocles driven out, and Cimon was for the most part kept abroadby the expeditions he made in parts out of Greece, Pericles, seeingthings in this posture, now advanced and took his side, not with therich and few, but with the many and poor, contrary to his naturalbent, which was far from democratical； but, most likely fearing hemight fall under suspicion of aiming at arbitrary power, and seeingCimon on the side of the aristocracy, and much beloved by the betterand more distinguished people, he joined the party of the people,with a view at once both to secure himself and procure means againstCimon.

    He immediately entered, also, on quite a new course of life and managementof his time. For he was never seen to walk in any street but thatwhich led to the market-place and council-hall, and he avoided invitationsof friends to supper, and all friendly visiting and intercourse whatever；in all the time he had to do with the public, which was not a little,he was never known to have gone to any of his friends to a supper,except that once when his near kinsman Euryptolemus married, he remainedpresent till the ceremony of the drink-offering, and then immediatelyrose from table and went his way. For these friendly meetings arevery quick to defeat any assumed superiority, and in intimate familiarityan exterior of gravity is hard to maintain. Real excellence, indeed,is most recognized when most openly looked into； and in really goodmen, nothing which meets the eyes of external observers so truly deservestheir admiration, as their daily common life does that of their nearerfriends. Pericles, however, to avoid any feeling of commonness, orany satiety on the part of the people, presented himself at intervalsonly, not speaking to every business, nor at all times coming intothe assembly, but, as Critolaus says, reserving himself, like theSalaminian galley, for great occasions, while matters of lesser importancewere despatched by friends or other speakers under his direction.And of this number we are told Ephialtes made one, who broke the powerof the council of Areopagus, giving the people, according to Plato'sexpression, so copious and so strong a draught of liberty, that growingwild and unruly, like an unmanageable horse, it, as the comic poetssay"-

    "-got beyond all keeping in, Champing at Euboea, and among the islands leaping in."

    The style of speaking most consonant to his form of life and the dignityof his views he found, so to say, in the tones of that instrumentwith which Anaxagoras had furnished him； of his teaching he continuallyavailed himself, and deepened the colours of rhetoric with the dyeof natural science. For having, in addition to his great natural genius,attained, by the study of nature, to use the words of the divine Plato,this height of intelligence, and this universal consummating power,and drawing hence whatever might be of advantage to him in the artof speaking, he showed himself far superior to all others. Upon whichaccount, they say, he had his nickname given him； though some areof opinion he was named the Olympian from the public buildings withwhich he adorned the city； and others again, from his great powerin public affairs, whether of war or peace. Nor is it unlikely thatthe confluence of many attributes may have conferred it on him. However,the comedies represented at the time, which, both in good earnestand in merriment, let fly many hard words at him, plainly show thathe got that appellation especially from his speaking； they speak ofhis "thundering and lightning" when he harangued the people, and ofhis wielding a dreadful thunderbolt in his tongue.

    A saying also of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, stands on record,spoken by him by way of pleasantry upon Pericles's dexterity. Thucydideswas one of the noble and distinguished citizens, and had been hisgreatest opponent； and, when Archidamus, the King of the Lacedaemonians,asked him whether he or Pericles were the better wrestler, he madethis answer： "When I," said he, "have thrown him and given him a fairfall, by persisting that he had no fall, he gets the better of me,and makes the bystanders, in spite of their own eyes, believe him."The truth, however, is, that Pericles himself was very careful whatand how he was to speak, insomuch that, whenever he went up to thehustings, he prayed the gods that no one word might unawares slipfrom him unsuitable to the matter and the occasion.

    He has left nothing in writing behind him, except some decrees； andthere are but very few of his sayings recorded； one, for example,is, that he said Aegina must, like a gathering in a man's eye, beremoved from Piraeus； and another, that he said he saw already warmoving on its way towards them out of Peloponnesus. Again, when ona time Sophocles, who was his fellow-commissioner in the generalship,was going on board with him, and praised the beauty of a youth theymet with in the way to the ship, "Sophocles," said he, "a generalought not only to have clean hands but also clean eyes." And Stesimbrotustells us that, in his encomium on those who fell in battle at Samos,he said they were become immortal, as the gods were. "For," said he,"we do not see them themselves, but only by the honours we pay them,and by the benefits they do us, attribute to them immortality； andthe like attributes belong also to those that die in the service oftheir country."

    Since Thucydides describes the rule of Pericles as an aristocraticalgovernment, that went by the name of a democracy, but was, indeed,the supremacy of a single great man, while many others say, on thecontrary, that by him the common people were first encouraged andled on to such evils as appropriations of subject territory, allowancesfor attending theatres, payments for performing public duties, andby these bad habits were, under the influence of his public measures,changed from a sober, thrifty people, that maintained themselves bytheir own labours, to lovers of expense, intemperance, and licence,let us examine the cause of this change by the actual matters of fact.

    At the first, as has been said, when he set himself against Cimon'sgreat authority, he did caress the people. Finding himself come shortof his competitor in wealth and money, by which advantages the otherwas enabled to take care of the poor, inviting every day some oneor other of the citizens that was in want to supper, and bestowingclothes on the aged people, and breaking down the hedges and enclosuresof his grounds, that all that would might freely gather what fruitthey pleased, Pericles, thus outdone in popular arts, by the adviceof one Damonides of Oea, as Aristotle states, turned to the distributionof the public moneys； and in a short time having bought the peopleover, what with moneys allowed for shows and for service on juries,and what with other forms of pay and largess, he made use of themagainst the council of Areopagus of which he himself was no member,as having never been appointed by lot- either chief archon, or lawgiver,or king, or captain. For from of old these offices were conferredon persons by lot, and they who had acquitted themselves duly in thedischarge of them were advanced to the court of Areopagus. And soPericles, having secured his power in interest with the populace,directed the exertions of his party against this council with suchsuccess, that most of these causes and matters which had been usedto be tried there were, by the agency of Ephialtes, removed from itscognisance； Cimon, also, was banished by ostracism as a favourer ofthe Lacedaemonians and a hater of the people, though in wealth andnoble birth he was among the first, and had won several most gloriousvictories over the barbarians, and had filled the city with moneyand spoils of war； as is recorded in the history of his life. So vastan authority had Pericles obtained among the people.

    The ostracism was limited by law to ten years； but the Lacedaemonians,in the meantime, entering with a great army into the territory ofTanagra, and the Athenians going out against them, Cimon, coming fromhis banishment before his time was out, put himself in arms and arraywith those of his fellow-citizens that were of his own tribe, anddesired by his deeds to wipe off the suspicion of his favouring theLacedaemonians, by venturing his own person along with his countrymen.But Pericles's friends, gathering in a body, forced him to retireas a banished man. For which cause also Pericles seems to have exertedhimself more in that than in any battle, and to have been conspicuousabove all for his exposure of himself to danger. All Cimon's friends,also, to a man, fell together side by side, whom Pericles had accusedwith him of taking part with the Lacedaemonians. Defeated in thisbattle on their own frontiers, and expecting a new and perilous attackwith return of spring, the Athenians now felt regret and sorrow forthe loss of Cimon, and repentance for their expulsion of him. Pericles,being sensible of their feelings, did not hesitate or delay to gratifyit, and himself made the motion for recalling him home. He, upon hisreturn, concluded a peace betwixt the two cities； for the Lacedaemoniansentertained as kindly feelings towards him as they did the reversetowards Pericles and the other popular leaders.

    Yet some there are who say that Pericles did not propose the orderfor Cimon's return till some private articles of agreement had beenmade between them, and this by means of Elpinice, Cimon's sister；that Cimon, namely, should go out to sea with a fleet of two hundredships, and be commander-in-chief abroad, with a design to reduce theKing of Persia's territories, and that Pericles should have the powerat home.

    This Elpinice, it was thought, had before this time procured somefavour for her brother Cimon at Pericles's hands, and induced himto be more remiss and gentle in urging the charge when Cimon was triedfor his life； for Pericles was one of the committee appointed by thecommons to plead against him. And when Elpinice came and besoughthim in her brother's behalf, he answered, with a smile, "O Elpinice,you are too old a woman to undertake such business as this." But,when he appeared to impeach him, he stood up but once to speak, merelyto acquit himself of his commission, and went out of court, havingdone Cimon the least prejudice of any of his accusers.

    How, then, can one believe Idomeneus, who charges Pericles as if hehad by treachery procured the murder of Ephialtes, the popular statesman,one who was his friend, and of his own party in all his politicalcourse, out of jealousy, forsooth, and envy of his great reputation？This historian, it seems, having raked up these stories, I know notwhence, has befouled with them a man who, perchance, was not altogetherfree from fault or blame, but yet had a noble spirit, and a soul thatwas bent on honour； and where such qualities are, there can no suchcruel and brutal passion find harbour or gain admittance. As to Ephialtes,the truth of the story, as Aristotle has told it, is this： that havingmade himself formidable to the oligarchical party, by being an uncompromisingasserter of the people's rights in calling to account and prosecutingthose who any way wronged them, his enemies, lying in wait for him,by the means of Aristodicus the Tanagraean, privately despatched him.

    Cimon, while he was admiral, ended his days in the Isle of Cyprus.And the aristocratical party, seeing that Pericles was already beforethis grown to be the greatest and foremost man of all the city, butnevertheless wishing there should be somebody set up against him,to blunt and turn the edge of his power, that it might not altogetherprove a monarchy, put forward Thucydides of Alopece, a discreet person,and a near kinsman of Cimon's, to conduct the opposition against him；who, indeed, though less skilled in warlike affairs than Cimon was,yet was better versed in speaking and political business and keepingclose guard in the city, and, engaging with Pericles on the hustings,in a short time brought the government to an equality of parties.For he would not suffer those who were called the honest and good（persons of worth and distinction） to be scattered up and down andmix themselves and be lost among the populace, as formerly, diminishingand obscuring their superiority amongst the masses； but taking themapart by themselves and uniting them in one body, by their combinedweight he was able, as it were upon the balance, to make a counterpoiseto the other party.

    For, indeed, there was from the beginning a sort of concealed split,or seam, as it might be in a piece of iron, marking the differentpopular and aristocratical tendencies； but the open rivalry and contentionof these two opponents made the gash deep, and severed the city intothe two parties of the people and the few. And so Pericles, at thattime, more than at any other, let loose the reins to the people, andmade his policy subservient to their pleasure, contriving continuallyto have some great public show or solemnity, some banquet, or someprocession or other in the town to please them, coaxing his countrymenlike children with such delights and pleasures as were not, however,unedifying. Besides that every year he sent out threescore galleys,on board of which there were numbers of the citizens, who were inpay eight months, learning at the same time and practising the artof seamanship.

    He sent, moreover, a thousand of them into the Chersonese as planters,to share the land among them by lot, and five hundred more into theisle of Naxos, and half that number to Andros, a thousand into Thraceto dwell among the Bisaltae, and others into Italy, when the citySybaris, which now was called Thurii, was to be repeopled. And thishe did to ease and discharge the city of an idle, and, by reason oftheir idleness, a busy meddling crowd of people； and at the same timeto meet the necessities and restore the fortunes of the poor townsmen,and to intimidate, also, and check their allies from attempting anychange, by posting such garrisons, as it were, in the midst of them.

    That which gave most pleasure and ornament to the city of Athens,and the greatest admiration and even astonishment to all strangers,and that which now is Greece's only evidence that the power she boastsof and her ancient wealth are no romance or idle story, was his constructionof the public and sacred buildings. Yet this was that of all his actionsin the government which his enemies most looked askance upon and cavilledat in the popular assemblies, crying out how that the commonwealthof Athens had lost its reputation and was ill-spoken of abroad forremoving the common treasure of the Greeks from the isle of Delosinto their own custody； and how that their fairest excuse for so doing,namely, that they took it away for fear the barbarians should seizeit, and on purpose to secure it in a safe place, this Pericles hadmade unavailable, and how that "Greece cannot but resent it as aninsufferable affront, and consider herself to be tyrannized over openly,when she sees the treasure, which was contributed by her upon a necessityfor the war, wantonly lavished out by us upon our city, to gild herall over, and to adorn and set her forth, as it were some vain woman,hung round with precious stones and figures and temples, which costa world of money."

    Pericles, on the other hand, informed the people, that they were inno way obliged to give any account of those moneys to their allies,so long as they maintained their defence, and kept off the barbariansfrom attacking them； while in the meantime they did not so much assupply one horse or man or ship, but only found money for the service；"which money," said he, "is not theirs that give it, but theirs thatreceive it, if so be they perform the conditions upon which they receiveit." And that it was good reason, that, now the city was sufficientlyprovided and stored with all things necessary for the war, they shouldconvert the overplus of its wealth to such undertakings as would hereafter,when completed, give them eternal honour, and, for the present, whilein process, freely supply all the inhabitants with plenty. With theirvariety of workmanship and of occasions for service, which summonall arts and trades and require all hands to be employed about them,they do actually put the whole city, in a manner, into state-pay；while at the same time she is both beautiful and maintained by herself.For as those who are of age and strength for war are provided forand maintained in the armaments abroad by their pay out of the publicstock, so, it being his desire and design that the undisciplined mechanicmultitude that stayed at home should not go without their share ofpublic salaries, and yet should not have them given them for sittingstill and doing nothing, to that end he thought fit to bring in amongthem, with the approbation of the people, these vast projects of buildingsand designs of work, that would be of some continuance before theywere finished, and would give employment to numerous arts, so thatthe part of the people that stayed at home might, no less than thosethat were at sea or in garrisons or on expeditions, have a fair andjust occasion of receiving the benefit and having their share of thepublic moneys.

    The materials were stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony, cypresswood；and the arts or trades that wrought and fashioned them were smithsand carpenters, moulders, founders and braziers, stone-cutters, dyers,goldsmiths, ivory-workers, painters, embroiderers, turners； thoseagain that conveyed them to the town for use, merchants and marinersand ship-masters by sea, and by land, cartwrights, cattle-breeders,wagoners, rope-makers, flax-workers, shoemakers and leather-dressers,road-makers, miners. And every trade in the same nature, as a captainin an army has his particular company of soldiers under him, had itsown hired company of journeymen and labourers belonging to it bandedtogether as in array, to be as it were the instrument and body forthe performance of the service. Thus, to say all in a word, the occasionsand services of these public works distributed plenty through everyage and condition.

    As then grew the works up, no less stately in size than exquisitein form, the workmen striving to outvie the material and the designwith the beauty of their workmanship, yet the most wonderful thingof all was the rapidity of their execution.

    Undertakings, any one of which singly might have required, they thought,for their completion, several successions and ages of men, were everyone of them accomplished in the height and prime of one man's politicalservice. Although they say, too, that Zeuxis once, having heard Agatharchusthe painter boast of despatching his work with speed and ease, replied,"I take a long time." For ease and speed in doing a thing do not givethe work lasting solidity or exactness of beauty； the expenditureof time allowed to a man's pains beforehand for the production ofa thing is repaid by way of interest with a vital force for the preservationwhen once produced. For which reason Pericles's works are especiallyadmired, as having been made quickly, to last long. For every particularpiece of his work was immediately, even at that time, for its beautyand elegance, antique； and yet in its vigour and freshness looks tothis day as if it were just executed. There is a sort of bloom ofnewness upon those works of his, preserving them from the touch oftime, as if they had some perennial spirit and undying vitality mingledin the composition of them.

    Phidias had the oversight of all the works, and was surveyor-general,though upon the various portions other great masters and workmen wereemployed. For Callicrates and Ictinus built the Parthenon； the chapelat Eleusis, where the mysteries were celebrated, was begun by Coroebus,who erected the pillars that stand upon the floor or pavement, andjoined them to the architraves； and after his death Metagenes of Xypeteadded the frieze and the upper line of columns； Xenocles of Cholargusroofed or arched the lantern on top of the temple of Castor and Pollux；and the long wall, which Socrates says he himself heard Pericles proposeto the people, was undertaken by Callicrates. This work Cratinus ridicules,as long in finishing-

    "'Tis long since Pericles, if words would do it, Talked up the wall； yet adds not one mite to it."

    The Odeum, or music-room, which in its interior was full of seatsand ranges of pillars, and outside had its roof made to slope anddescend from one single point at the top, was constructed, we aretold, in imitation of the King of Persia's Pavilion； this likewiseby Pericles's order； which Cratinus again, in his comedy called theThracian Women, made an occasion of raillery-

    "So, we see here, Jupiter Long-pate Pericles appear, Since ostracism time, he's laid aside his head, And wears the new Odeum in its stead."

    Pericles, also eager for distinction, then first obtained the decreefor a contest in musical skill to be held yearly at the Panathenaea,and he himself, being chosen judge, arranged the order and methodin which the competitors should sing and play on the flute and onthe harp. And both at that time, and at other times also, they satin this music-room to see and hear all such trials of skill.

    The propylaea, or entrances to the Acropolis, were finished in fiveyears' time, Mnesicles being the principal architect. A strange accidenthappened in the course of building, which showed that the goddesswas not averse to the work, but was aiding and co-operating to bringit to perfection. One of the artificers, the quickest and the handiestworkman among them all, with a slip of his foot fell down from a greatheight, and lay in a miserable condition, the physicians having nohope of his recovery. When Pericles was in distress about this, Minervaappeared to him at night in a dream, and ordered a course of treatment,which he applied, and in a short time and with great ease cured theman. And upon this occasion it was that he set up a brass statue ofMinerva, surnamed Health, in the citadel near the altar, which theysay was there before. But it was Phidias who wrought the goddess'simage in gold, and he has his name inscribed on the pedestal as theworkman of it； and indeed the whole work in a manner was under hischarge, and he had, as we have said already, the oversight over allthe artists and workmen, through Pericles's friendship for him； andthis, indeed, made him much envied, and his patron shamefully slanderedwith stories, as if Phidias were in the habit of receiving, for Pericles'suse, freeborn women that came to see the works. The comic writersof the town, when they had got hold of this story, made much of it,and bespattered him with all the ribaldry they could invent, charginghim falsely with the wife of Menippus, one who was his friend andserved as lieutenant under him in the wars； and with the birds keptby Pyrilampes, an acquaintance of Pericles, who, they pretended, usedto give presents of peacocks to Pericles's female friends. And howcan one wonder at any number of strange assertions from men whosewhole lives were devoted to mockery, and who were ready at any timeto sacrifice the reputation of their superiors to vulgar envy andspite, as to some evil genius, when even Stesimbrotus the Thracianhas dared to lay to the charge of Pericles a monstrous and fabulouspiece of criminality with his son's wife？ So very difficult a matteris it to trace and find out the truth of anything by history, when,on the one hand, those who afterwards write it find long periods oftime intercepting their view, and, on the other hand, the contemporaryrecords of any actions and lives, partly through envy and ill-will,partly through favour and flattery, pervert and distort truth.

    When the orators, who sided with Thucydides and his party, were atone time crying out, as their custom was, against Pericles, as onewho squandered away the public money, and made havoc of the staterevenues, he rose in the open assembly and put the question to thepeople, whether they thought that he had laid out much； and they saying,"Too much, a great deal," "Then," said he, "since it is so, let thecost not go to your account, but to mine； and let the inscriptionupon the buildings stand in my name." When they heard him say thus,whether it were out of a surprise to see the greatness of his spiritor out of emulation of the glory of the works, they cried aloud, biddinghim to spend on, and lay out what he thought fit from the public purse,and to spare no cost, till all were finished.

    At length, coming to a final contest with Thucydides which of thetwo should ostracism the other out of the country, and having gonethrough this peril, he threw his antagonist out, and broke up theconfederacy that had been organized against him. So that now all schismand division being at an end, and the city brought to evenness andunity, he got all Athens and all affairs that pertained to the Atheniansinto his own hands, their tributes, their armies, and their galleys,the islands, the sea, and their wide-extended power, partly over otherGreeks and partly over barbarians, and all that empire, which theypossessed, founded and fortified upon subject nations and royal friendshipsand alliance.

    After this he was no longer the same man he had been before, nor astame and gentle and familiar as formerly with the populace, so asreadily to yield to their pleasures and to comply with the desiresof the multitude, as a steersman shifts with the winds. Quitting thatloose, remiss, and, in some cases, licentious court of the popularwill, he turned those soft and flowery modulations to the austerityof aristocratical and regal rule； and employing this uprightly andundeviatingly for the country's best interests, he was able generallyto lead the people along, with their own wills and consents, by persuadingand showing them what was to be done； and sometimes, too, urging andpressing them forward extremely against their will, he made them,whether they would or no, yield submission to what was for their advantage.In which, to say the truth, he did but like a skilful physician, who,in a complicated and chronic disease, as he sees occasion, at onewhile allows his patient the moderate use of such things as pleasehim, at another while gives him keen pains and drug to work the cure.For there arising and growing up, as was natural, all manner of distemperedfeelings among a people which had so vast a command and dominion,he alone, as a great master, knowing how to handle and deal fitlywith each one of them, and, in an especial manner, making that useof hopes and fears, as his two chief rudders, with the one to checkthe career of their confidence at any time, with the other to raisethem up and cheer them when under any discouragement, plainly showedby this, that rhetoric, or the art of speaking, is, in Plato's language,the government of the souls of men, and that her chief business isto address the affections and passions, which are as it were the stringsand keys to the soul, and require a skilful and careful touch to beplayed on as they should be. The source of this predominance was notbarely his power of language, but, as Thucydides assures us, the reputationof his life, and the confidence felt in his character； his manifestfreedom from every kind of corruption, and superiority to all considerationsof money. Notwithstanding he had made the city of Athens, which wasgreat of itself, as great and rich as can be imagined, and thoughhe were himself in power and interest more than equal to many kingsand absolute rulers, who some of them also bequeathed by will theirpower to their children, he, for his part, did not make the patrimonyhis father left him greater than it was by one drachma.

    Thucydides, indeed, gives a plain statement of the greatness of hispower； and the comic poets, in their spiteful manner, more than hintat it, styling his companions and friends the new Pisistratidae, andcalling on him to abjure any intention of usurpation, as one whoseeminence was too great to be any longer proportionable to and compatiblewith a democracy or popular government. And Teleclides says the Athenianshad surrendered up to him-

    "The tribute of the cities, and with them, the cities too,

    to do with them as he pleases, and undo； To build up, if he likes, stone walls around a town； and again,

    if so he likes, to pull them down； Their treaties and alliances, power, empire, peace, and war,

    their wealth and their success forever more."

    Nor was all this the luck of some happy occasion； nor was it the merebloom and grace of a policy that flourished for a season； but havingfor forty years together maintained the first place among statesmensuch as Ephialtes and Leocrates and Myronides and Cimon and Tolmidesand Thucydides were, after the defeat and banishment of Thucydides,for no less than fifteen years longer, in the exercise of one continuousunintermitted command in the office, to which he was annually re-elected,of General, he preserved his integrity unspotted； though otherwisehe was not altogether idle or careless in looking after his pecuniaryadvantage； his paternal estate, which of right belonged to him, heso ordered that it might neither through negligence he wasted or lessened,nor yet, being so full of business as he was, cost him any great troubleor time with taking care of it； and put it into such a way of managementas he thought to be the most easy for himself, and the most exact.All his yearly products and profits he sold together in a lump, andsupplied his household needs afterwards by buying everything thathe or his family wanted out of the market. Upon which account, hischildren, when they grew to age, were not well pleased with his management,and the women that lived with him were treated with little cost, andcomplained of his way of housekeeping, where everything was orderedand set down from day to day, and reduced to the greatest exactness；since there was not there, as is usual in a great family and a plentifulestate, anything to spare, or over and above； but all that went outor came in, all disbursements and all receipts, proceeded as it wereby number and measure. His manager in all this was a single servant,Evangelus by name, a man either naturally gifted or instructed byPericles so as to excel every one in this art of domestic economy.

    All this, in truth, was very little in harmony with Anaxagoras's wisdom；if, indeed, it be true that he, by a kind of divine impulse and greatnessof spirit, voluntarily quitted his house, and left his land to liefallow and to be grazed by sheep like a common. But the life of acontemplative philosopher and that of an active statesman are, I presume,not the same thing； for the one merely employs, upon great and goodobjects of thought, an intelligence that requires no aid of instrumentsnor supply of any external materials； whereas the other, who tempersand applies his virtue to human uses, may have occasion for affluence,not as a matter of necessity, but as a noble thing； which was Pericles'scase, who relieved numerous poor citizens.

    However, there is a story that Anaxagoras himself, while Pericleswas taken up with public affairs, lay neglected, and that, now beinggrown old, he wrapped himself up with a resolution to die for wantof food； which being by chance brought to Pericles's ear, he was horror-struck,and instantly ran thither, and used all the arguments and entreatieshe could to him, lamenting not so much Anaxagoras's condition as hisown, should he lose such a counsellor as he had found him to be； andthat, upon this, Anaxagoras unfolded his robe, and showing himself,made answer： "Pericles," said he, "even those who have occasion fora lamp supply it with oil."

    The Lacedaemonians beginning to show themselves troubled at the growthof the Athenian power, Pericles, on the other hand, to elevate thepeople's spirit yet more, and to raise them to the thought of greatactions, proposed a decree, to summon all the Greeks in what, partsoever, whether of Europe or Asia, every city, little as well as great,to send their deputies to Athens to a general assembly, or convention,there to consult and advise concerning the Greek temples which thebarbarians had burnt down, and the sacrifices which were due fromthem upon vows they had made to their gods for the safety of Greecewhen they fought against the barbarians； and also concerning the navigationof the sea, that they might henceforward pass to and fro and tradesecurely and be at peace among themselves.

    Upon this errand there were twenty men, of such as were above fiftyyears of age, sent by commission； five to summon the Ionians and Doriansin Asia, and the islanders as far as Lesbos and Rhodes； five to visitall the places in the Hellespont and Thrace, up to Byzantium； andother five besides these to go to Boeotia and Phocis and Peloponnesus,and from hence to pass through the Locrians over to the neighbouringcontinent as far as Acarnania and Ambracia； and the rest to take theircourse through Euboea to the Oetaeans and the Malian Gulf, and tothe Achaeans of Phthiotis and the Thessalians； all of them to treatwith the people as they passed, and persuade them to come and taketheir part in the debates for settling the peace and jointly regulatingthe affairs of Greece.

    Nothing was effected, nor did the cities meet by their deputies, aswas desired； the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, crossing the designunderhand, and the attempt being disappointed and baffled first inPeloponnesus. I thought fit, however, to introduce the mention ofit, to show the spirit of the man and the greatness of his thoughts.

    In his military conduct, he gained a great reputation for wariness；he would not by his good-will engage in any fight which had much uncertaintyor hazard； he did not envy the glory of generals whose rash adventuresfortune favoured with brilliant success, however they were admiredby others； nor did he think them worthy his imitation, but alwaysused to say to his citizens that, so far as lay in his power, theyshould continue immortal, and live for ever. Seeing Tolmides, theson of Tolmaeus, upon the confidence of his former successes, andflushed with the honour his military actions had procured him, makingpreparations to attack the Boeotians in their own country when therewas no likely opportunity, and that he had prevailed with the bravestand most enterprising of the youth to enlist themselves as volunteersin the service, who besides his other force made up a thousand, heendeavoured to withhold him and to advise him from it in the publicassembly, telling him in a memorable saying of his, which still goesabout, that, if he would not take Pericles's advice, yet he wouldnot do amiss to wait and be ruled by time, the wisest counsellor ofall. This saying, at that time, was but slightly commended； but withina few days after, when news was brought that Tolmides himself hadbeen defeated and slain in battle near Coronea, and that many bravecitizens had fallen with him, it gained him great repute as well asgood-will among the people, for wisdom and for love of his countrymen.

    But of all his expeditions, that to the Chersonese gave most satisfactionand pleasure, having proved the safety of the Greeks who inhabitedthere. For not only by carrying along with him a thousand fresh citizensof Athens he gave new strength and vigour to the cities, but alsoby belting the neck of land, which joins the peninsula to the continent,with bulwarks and forts from sea to sea, he put a stop to the inroadsof the Thracians, who lay all about the Chersonese, and closed thedoor against a continual and grievous war, with which that countryhad been long harassed, lying exposed to the encroachments and influxof barbarous neighbours, and groaning under the evils of a predatorypopulation both upon and within its borders.

    Nor was he less admired and talked of abroad for his sailing aroundthe Peloponnesus, having set out from Pegae, or The Fountains, theport of Megara, with a hundred galleys. For he not only laid wastethe sea-coast, as Tolmides had done before, but also, advancing farup into the mainland with the soldiers he had on board, by the terrorof his appearance drove many within their walls； and at Nemea, withmain force, routed and raised a trophy over the Sicyonians, who stoodtheir ground and joined battle with him. And having taken on boarda supply of soldiers into the galleys out of Achaia, then in leaguewith Athens, he crossed with the fleet to the opposite continent,and, sailing along by the mouth of the river Achelous, overran Acarnaniaand shut up the Oeniadae within their city walls, and having ravagedand wasted their country, weighed anchor for home with the doubleadvantage of having shown himself formidable to his enemies, and atthe same time safe and energetic to his fellow citizens； for therewas not so much as any chance miscarriage that happened, the wholevoyage through, to those who were under his charge.

    Entering also the Euxine Sea with a large and finely equipped fleet,he obtained for the Greek cities any new arrangements they wanted,and entered into friendly relations with them； and to the barbarousnations, and kings and chiefs round about them, displayed the greatnessof the power of the Athenians, their perfect ability avid confidenceto sail where-ever they had a mind, and to bring the whole sea undertheir control. He left the Sinopians thirteen ships of war, with soldiersunder the command of Lamachus, to assist them against Timesileus thetyrant； and when he and his accomplices had been thrown out, obtaineda decree that six hundred of the Athenians that were willing shouldsail to Sinope and plant themselves there with the Sinopians, sharingamong them the houses and land which the tyrant and his party hadpreviously held.

    But in other things he did not comply with the giddy impulses of thecitizens, nor quit his own resolutions to follow their fancies, when,carried away with the thought of their strength and great success,they were eager to interfere again in Egypt, and to disturb the Kingof Persia's maritime dominions. Nay, there were a good many who were,even then, possessed with that unblest and inauspicious passion forSicily, which afterward the orators of Alcibiades's party blew upinto a flame. There were some also who dreamt of Tuscany and Carthage,and not without plausible reason in their present large dominion andprosperous course of their affairs.

    But Pericles curbed this passion for foreign conquest, and unsparinglypruned and cut down their ever busy fancies for a multitude of undertakings；and directed their power for the most part to securing and consolidatingwhat they had already got, supposing it would be quite enough forthem to do, if they could keep the Lacedaemonians in check； to whomhe entertained all along a sense of opposition； which, as upon manyother occasions, so he particularly showed by what he did in the timeof the holy war. The Lacedaemonians, having gone with an army to Delphi,restored Apollo's temple, which the Phocians had got into their possession,to the Delphians； immediately after their departure, Pericles, withanother army, came and restored the Phocians. And the Lacedaemonians,having engraven the record of their privilege of consulting the oraclebefore others, which the Delphians gave them, upon the forehead ofthe brazen wolf which stands there, he, also, having received fromthe Phocians the like privilege for the Athenians, had it cut uponthe same wolf of brass on his right side.

    That he did well and wisely in thus restraining the exertions of theAthenians within the compass of Greece, the events themselves thathappened afterward bore sufficient witness. For, in the first place,the Euboeans revolted, against whom he passed over with forces； andthen, immediately after, news came that the Megarians were turnedtheir enemies； and a hostile army was upon the borders of Attica,under the conduct of Plistoanax, King of the Lacedaemonians. WhereforePericles came with his army back again in all haste out of Euboea,to meet the war which threatened at home； and did not venture to engagea numerous and brave army eager for battle； but perceiving that Plistoanaxwas a very young man, and governed himself mostly by the counsel andadvice of Cleandrides, whom the ephors had sent with him, by reasonof his youth, to be a kind of guardian and assistant to him, he privatelymade trial of this man's integrity, and, in a short time, having corruptedhim with money, prevailed with him to withdraw the Peloponnesiansout of Attica. When the army had retired and dispersed into theirseveral states, the Lacedaemonians in anger fined their king in solarge a sum of money, that, unable to pay it, he quitted Lacedaemon；while Cleandrides fled, and had sentence of death passed upon himin his absence. This was the father of Gylippus, who overpowered theAthenians in Sicily. And it seems that this covetousness was an hereditarydisease transmitted from father to son； for Gylippus also afterwardswas caught in foul practices, and expelled from Sparta for it. Butthis we have told at large in the account of Lysander.

    When Pericles, in giving up his accounts of this expedition, stateda disbursement of ten talents, as laid out upon fit occasion, thepeople, without any question, nor troubling themselves to investigatethe mystery, freely allowed of it. And some historians, in which numberis Theophrastus the philosopher, have given it as a truth that Periclesevery year used to send privately the sum of ten talents to Sparta,with which he complimented those in office, to keep off the war； notto purchase peace neither, but time, that he might prepare at leisure,and be the better able to carry on war hereafter.

    Immediately after this, turning his forces against the revolters,and passing over into the island of Euboea with fifty sail of shipsand five thousand men in arms, he reduced their cities, and droveout the citizens of the Chalcidians, called Hippobotae, horse-feeders,the chief persons for wealth and reputation among them； and removingall the Histiaeans out of the country, brought in a plantation ofAthenians in their room； making them his one example of severity,because they had captured an Attic ship and killed all on board.

    After this, having made a truce between the Athenians and Lacedaemoniansfor thirty years, he ordered, by public decree, the expedition againstthe isle of Samos, on the ground, that, when they were bid to leaveoff their war with the Milesians they had not complied. And as thesemeasures against the Samians are thought to have been taken to pleaseAspasia, this may be a fit point for inquiry about the woman, whatart or charming faculty she had that enabled her to captivate, asshe did, the greatest statesmen, and to give the philosophers occasionto speak so much about her, and that, too, not to her disparagement.That she was a Milesian by birth, the daughter of Axiochus, is a thingacknowledged. And they say it was in emulation of Thargelia, a courtesanof the old Ionian times, that she made her addresses to men of greatpower. Thargelia was a great beauty, extremely charming, and at thesame time sagacious； she had numerous suitors among the Greeks, andbrought all who had to do with her over to the Persian interest, andby their means, being men of the greatest power and station, sowedthe seeds of the Median faction up and down in several cities. Aspasia,some say, was courted and caressed by Pericles upon account of herknowledge and skill in politics. Socrates himself would sometimesgo to visit her, and some of his acquaintance with him； and thosewho frequented her company would carry their wives with them to listento her. Her occupation was anything but creditable, her house beinga home for young courtesans. Aeschines tells us, also, that Lysicles,a sheep-dealer, a man of low birth and character, by keeping Aspasiacompany after Pericles's death, came to be a chief man in Athens.And in Plato's Menexenus, though we do not take the introduction asquite serious, still thus much seems to be historical, that she hadthe repute of being resorted to by many of the Athenians for instructionin the art of speaking. Pericles's inclination for her seems, however,to have rather proceeded from the passion of love. He had a wife thatwas near of kin to him, who had been married first to Hipponicus,by whom she had Callias, surnamed the Rich； and also she brought Pericles,while she lived with him, two sons, Xanthippus and Paralus. Afterwards,when they did not well agree, nor like to live together, he partedwith her, with her own consent, to another man, and himself took Aspasia,and loved her with wonderful affection； every day, both as he wentout and as he came in from the market-place, he saluted and kissedher.

    In the comedies she goes by the nicknames of the new Omphale and Deianira,and again is styled Juno. Cratinus, in downright terms, calls hera harlot.

    "To find him a Juno the goddess of lust Bore that harlot past shame, Aspasia by name." It should seem also that he had a son by her； Eupolis,in his Demi, introduced Pericles asking after his safety, and Myronidesreplying-

    "My son？" "He lives： a man he had been long, But that the harlot-mother did him wrong." Aspasia, they say, becameso celebrated and renowned, that Cyrus, also who made war againstArtaxerxes for the Persian monarchy, gave her whom he loved the bestof all his concubines the name of Aspasia, who before that was calledMilto. She was a Phocaean by birth, the daughter of one Hermotimus,and, when Cyrus fell in battle, was carried to the king, and had greatinfluence at court. These things coming into my memory as I am writingthis story, it would be unnatural for me to omit them.

    Pericles, however, was particularly charged with having proposed tothe assembly the war against the Samians, from favour to the Milesians,upon the entreaty of Aspasia. For the two states were at war for thepossession of Priene； and the Samians, getting the better, refusedto lay down their arms and to have the controversy betwixt them decidedby arbitration before the Athenians. Pericles, therefore, fittingout a fleet, went and broke up the oligarchical government at Samos,and taking fifty of the principal men of the town as hostages, andas many of their children, sent them to the isle of Lemnos, thereto be kept, though he had offers, as some relate, of a talent apiecefor himself from each one of the hostages, and of many other presentsfrom those who were anxious not to have a democracy. Moreover, Pisuthnesthe Persian, one of the king's lieutenants, bearing some good-willto the Samians, sent him ten thousand pieces of gold to excuse thecity. Pericles, however, would receive none of all this； but afterhe had taken that course with the Samians which he thought fit, andset up a democracy among them, sailed back to Athens.

    But they, however, immediately revolted, Pisuthnes having privilygot away their hostages for them, and provided them with means forthe war. Whereupon Pericles came out with a fleet a second time againstthem, and found them not idle nor slinking away, but manfully resolvedto try for the dominion of the sea. The issue was, that after a sharpsea-fight about the island called Tragia, Pericles obtained a decisivevictory, having with forty-four ships routed seventy of the enemy's,twenty of which were carrying soldiers.

    Together with his victory and pursuit, having made himself masterof the port, he laid siege to the Samians, and blocked them up, whoyet, one way or another, still ventured to make sallies, and fightunder the city walls. But after that another greater fleet from Athenswas arrived, and that the Samians were now shut up with a close leagueron every side, Pericles, taking with him sixty galleys, sailed outinto the main sea, with the intention, as most authors give the account,to meet a squadron of Phoenician ships that were coming for the Samians'relief, and to fight them at as great distance as could be from theisland； but, as Stesimbrotus says, with a design of putting over toCyprus, which does not seem to be probable. But, whichever of thetwo was his intention, it seems to have been a miscalculation. Foron his departure, Melissus, the son of Ithagenes, a philosopher, beingat that time the general in Samos, despising either the small numberof the ships that were left or the inexperience of the commanders,prevailed with the citizens to attack the Athenians. And the Samianshaving won the battle, and taken several of the men prisoners, anddisabled several of the ships, were masters of the sea, and broughtinto port all necessaries they wanted for the war, which they hadnot before. Aristotle says, too, that Pericles had been once beforethis worsted by this Melissus in a sea-fight.

    The Samians, that they might requite an affront which had before beenput upon them, branded the Athenians, whom they took prisoners, intheir foreheads, with the figure of an owl. For so the Athenians hadmarked them before with a Samaena, which is a sort of ship, low andflat in the prow, so as to look snub-nosed, but wide and large andwell-spread in the hold, by which it both carries a large cargo andsails well. And it was so called, because the first of that kind wasseen at Samos, having been built by order of Polycrates the tyrant.These brands upon the Samians' foreheads, they say, are the allusionin the passage of Aristophanes, where he says-

    "For, oh, the Samians are a lettered people."

    Pericles, as soon as news was brought him of the disaster that hadbefallen his army, made all the haste he could to come in to theirrelief, and having defeated Melissus, who bore up against him, andput the enemy to flight, he immediately proceeded to hem them in witha wall, resolving to master them and take the town, rather with somecost and time than with the wounds and hazards of his citizens. Butas it was a hard matter to keep back the Athenians, who were vexedat the delay, and were eagerly bent to fight, he divided the wholemultitude into eight parts, and arranged by lot that that part whichhad the white bean should have leave to feast and take their easewhile the other seven were fighting. And this is the reason, theysay, that people, when at any time they have been merry, and enjoyedthemselves, called it white day, in allusion to this white bean.

    Ephorus the historian tells us besides, that Pericles made use ofengines of battery in this siege, being much taken with the curiousnessof the invention, with the aid and presence of Artemon himself, theengineer, who, being lame, used to be carried about in a litter, wherethe works required his attendance, and for that reason was calledPeriphoretus. But Heraclides Ponticus disproves this out of Anacreon'spoems, where mention is made of this Artemon Periphoretus severalages before the Samian war, or any of these occurrences. And he saysthat Artemon, being a man who loved his ease, and had a great apprehensionof danger, for the most part kept close within doors, having two ofhis servants to hold a brazen shield over his head, that nothing mightfall upon him from above； and if he were at any time forced upon necessityto go abroad, that he was carried about in a little hanging bed, closeto the very ground, and that for this reason he was called Periphoretus.

    In the ninth month, the Samians surrendering themselves and deliveringup the town, Pericles pulled down their walls, and seized their shipping,and set a fine of a large sum of money upon them, part of which theypaid down at once, and they agreed to bring in the rest by a certaintime, and gave hostages for security. Duris the Samian makes a tragicaldrama out of these events, charging the Athenians and Pericles witha great deal of cruelty, which neither Thucydides, nor Ephorus, norAristotle have given any relation of, and probably with little regardto truth； how, for example, he brought the captains and soldiers ofthe alleys into the market-place at Miletus, and there having boundthem fast to boards for ten days, then, when they were already allbut half dead, gave order to have them killed by beating out theirbrains with clubs, and their dead bodies to be flung out into theopen streets and fields, unburied. Duris however, who, even wherehe has no private feeling concerned, is not wont to keep his narrativeswithin the limits of truth, is the more likely upon this occasionto have exaggerated the calamities which befell his country, to createodium against the Athenians. Pericles however, after the reductionof Samos, returning back to Athens, took care that those who diedin the war should be honourably buried, and made a funeral harangue,as the custom is, in their commendation at their graves, for whichhe gained great admiration. As he came down from the stage on whichhe spoke, the rest of the women came and complimented him, takinghim by the hand, and crowning him with garlands and ribbons, likea victorious athlete in the games； but Elpinice, coming near to him,said, "These are brave deeds, Pericles, that you have done, and suchas deserve our chaplets； who have lost us many a worthy citizen, notin a war with Phoenicians or Medes, like my brother Cimon, but forthe overthrow of an allied and kindred city." As Elpinice spoke thesewords, he, smiling quietly, as it is said, returned her answer withthis verse：-

    "Old women should not seek to be perfumed." Ion says of him, thatupon this exploit of his, conquering the Samians, he indulged veryhigh and proud thoughts of himself： whereas Agamemnon was ten yearstaking a barbarous city, he had in nine months' time vanquished andtaken the greatest and most powerful of the Ionians. And indeed itwas not without reason that he assumed this glory to himself, for,in real truth, there was much uncertainty and great hazard in thisgreat war, if so be, as Thucydides tells us, the Samian state werewithin a very little of wresting the whole power and dominion of thesea out of the Athenians' hands.

    After this was over, the Peloponnesian war beginning to break outin full tide, he advised the people to send help to the Corcyraeans,who were attacked by the Corinthians, and to secure to themselvesan island possessed of great naval resources, since the Peloponnesianswere already all but in actual hostilities against them. The peoplereadily consenting to the motion, and voting an aid and succour forthem, he despatched Lacedaemonius, Cimon's son, having only ten shipswith him, as it were out of a design to affront him； for there wasa great kindness and friendship betwixt Cimon's family and the Lacedaemonians；so, in order that Lacedaemonius might lie the more open to a charge,or suspicion at least, of favouring the Lacedaemonians and playingfalse, if he performed no considerable exploit in this service, heallowed him a small number of ships, and sent him out against hiswill； and indeed he made it somewhat his business to hinder Cimon'ssons from rising in the state, professing that by their very namesthey were not to be looked upon as native and true Athenians, butforeigners and strangers, one being called Lacedaemonius, anotherThessalus, and the third Eleus and they were all three of them, itwas thought, born of an Arcadian woman. Being, however, ill spokenof on account of these ten galleys, as having afforded but a smallsupply to the people that were in need, and yet given a great advantageto those who might complain of the act of intervention, Pericles sentout a larger force afterwards to Corcyra, which arrived after thefight was over. And when now the Corinthians, angry and indignantwith the Athenians, accused them publicly at Lacedaemon, the Megariansjoined with them, complaining that they were, contrary to common rightand the articles of peace sworn to among the Greeks, kept out anddriven away from every market and from all ports under the controlof the Athenians. The Aeginetans, also, professing to be ill-usedand treated with violence, made supplications in private to the Lacedaemoniansfor redress, though not daring openly to call the Athenians in question.In the meantime, also, the city Potidaea, under the dominion of theAthenians, but a colony formerly of the Corinthians, had revolted,and was beset with a formal siege, and was a further occasion of precipitatingthe war.

    Yet notwithstanding all this, there being embassies sent to Athens,and Archidamus, the King of the Lacedaemonians, endeavouring to bringthe greater part of the complaints and matters in dispute to a fairdetermination, and to pacify and allay the heats of the allies, itis very likely that the war would not upon any other grounds of quarrelhave fallen upon the Athenians, could they have been prevailed withto repeal the ordinance against the Megarians, and to be reconciledto them. Upon which account, since Pericles was the man who mainlyopposed it, and stirred up the people's passions to persist in theircontention with the Megarians, he was regarded as the sole cause ofthe war.

    They say, moreover, that ambassadors went, by order, from Lacedaemonto Athens about this very business, and that when Pericles was urginga certain law which made it illegal to take down or withdraw the tabletof the decree, one of the ambassadors, Polyalces by name, said, "Well,do not take it down then, but turn it； there is no law, I suppose,which forbids that；" which, though prettily said, did not move Periclesfrom his resolution. There may have been, in all likelihood, somethingof a secret grudge and private animosity which he had against theMegarians. Yet, upon a public and open charge against them, that theyhad appropriated part of the sacred land on the frontier, he proposeda decree that a herald should be sent to them, and the same also tothe Lacedaemonians, with an accusation of the Megarians； an orderwhich certainly shows equitable and friendly proceeding enough. Andafter that the herald who was sent, by name Anthemocritus, died, andit was believed that the Megarians had contrived his death, then Charinusproposed a decree against them, that there should be an irreconcilableand implacable enmity thenceforward betwixt the two commonwealths；and that if any one of the Megarians should but set his foot in Attica,he should be put to death； and that the commanders, when they takethe usual oath, should, over and above that, swear that they willtwice every year make an inroad into the Megarian country； and thatAnthemocritus should be buried near the Thracian Gates, which arenow called the Dipylon, or Double Gate.

    On the other hand, the Megarians, utterly denying and disowning themurder of Anthemocritus, throw the whole matter upon Aspasia and Pericles,availing themselves of the famous verses in the Acharnians-

    "To Megara some of our madcaps ran, And stole Simaetha thence, their courtesan. Which exploit the Megarians to outdo, Came to Aspasia's house, and took off two."

    The true occasion of the quarrel is not so easy to find out. But ofinducing the refusal to annul the decree, all alike charge Pericles.Some say he met the request with a positive refusal, out of high spiritand a view of the state's best interest, accounting that the demandmade in those embassies was designed for a trial of their compliance,and that a concession would be taken for a confession of weaknessas if they durst not do otherwise； while other some there are whosay that it was rather out of arrogance and a willful spirit of contention,to show his own strength, that he took occasion to slight the Lacedaemonians.The worst motive of all, which is confirmed by most witnesses, isto the following effect： Phidias the Moulder had, as has before beensaid, undertaken to make the statue of Minerva. Now he, being admittedto friendship with Pericles, and a great favourite of his, had manyenemies upon this account, who envied and maligned him； who also,to make trial in a case of his, what kind of judges the commons wouldprove, should there be occasion to bring Pericles himself before them,having tampered with Menon, one who had been a workman with Phidias,stationed him in the market-place, with a petition desiring publicsecurity upon his discovery and impeachment of Phidias. The peopleadmitting the man to tell his story, and the prosecution proceedingin the assembly, there was nothing of theft or cheat proved againsthim； for Phidias, from the very first beginning, by the advice ofPericles, had so wrought and wrapt the gold that was used in the workabout the statue, that they might take it all off, and make out thejust weight of it, which Pericles at that time bade the accuser do.But the reputation of his works was what brought envy upon Phidias,especially that where he represents the fight of the Amazons uponthe goddess's shield, he had introduced a likeness of himself as abald old man holding up a great stone with both hands, and had putin a very fine representation of Pericles fighting with an Amazon.And the position of the hand which holds out the spear in front ofthe face, was ingeniously contrived to conceal in some degree thelikeness, which meantime showed itself on either side.

    Phidias then was carried away to prison, and there died of a disease；but, as some say, of poison, administered by the enemies of Pericles,to raise a slander, or a suspicion at least, as though he had procuredit. The informer Menon, upon Glycon's proposal, the people made freefrom payment of taxes and customs, and ordered the generals to takecare that nobody should do him any hurt. About the same time, Aspasiawas indicted of impiety, upon the complaint of Hermippus the comedian,who also laid further to her charge that she received into her housefreeborn women for the uses of Pericles. And Diopithes proposed adecree, that public accusations should be laid against persons whoneglected religion, or taught new doctrines about things above, directingsuspicion, by means of Anaxagoras, against Pericles himself. The peoplereceiving and admitting these accusations and complaints, at length,by this means, they came to enact a decree, at the motion of Dracontides,that Pericles should bring in the accounts of the moneys he had expended,and lodge them with the Prytanes； and that the judges, carrying theirsuffrage from the altar in the Acropolis, should examine and determinethe business in the city. This last clause Hagnon took out of thedecree, and moved that the causes should be tried before fifteen hundredjurors, whether they should be styled prosecutions for robbery, orbribery, or any kind of malversation. Aspasia, Pericles begged off,shedding, as Aeschines says, many tears at the trial, and personallyentreating the jurors. But fearing how it might go with Anaxagoras,he sent him out of the city. And finding that in Phidias's case hehad miscarried with the people, being afraid of impeachment, he kindledthe war, which hitherto had lingered and smothered, and blew it upinto a flame； hoping, by that means, to disperse and scatter thesecomplaints and charges, and to allay their jealousy； the city usuallythrowing herself upon him alone, and trusting to his sole conduct,upon the urgency of great affairs and public dangers, by reason ofhis authority and the sway he bore.

    These are given out to have been the reasons which induced Periclesnot to suffer the people of Athens to yield to the proposals of theLacedaemonians； but their truth is uncertain.

    The Lacedaemonians, for their part, feeling sure that if they couldonce remove him, they might be at what terms they pleased with theAthenians, sent them word that they should expel the "Pollution" withwhich Pericles on the mother's side was tainted, as Thucydides tellsus. But the issue proved quite contrary to what those who sent themessage expected； instead of bringing Pericles under suspicion andreproach, they raised him into yet greater credit and esteem withthe citizens, as a man whom their enemies most hated and feared. Inthe same way, also, before Archidamus, who was at the head of thePeloponnesians, made his invasion into Attica, he told the Atheniansbeforehand, that if Archidamus, while he laid waste the rest of thecountry, should forbear and spare his estate, either on the groundof friendship or right of hospitality that was betwixt them, or onpurpose to give his enemies an occasion of traducing him； that thenhe did freely bestow upon the state all his land and the buildingsupon it for the public use. The Lacedaemonians, therefore, and theirallies, with a great army, invaded the Athenian territories, underthe conduct of King Archidamus, and laying waste the country, marchedon as far as Acharnae, and there pitched their camp, presuming thatthe Athenians would never endure that, but would come out and fightthem for their country's and their honour's sake. But Pericles lookedupon it as dangerous to engage in battle, to the risk of the cityitself, against sixty thousand men-at-arms of Peloponnesians and Boeotians；for so many they were in number that made the inroad at first； andhe endeavoured to appease those who were desirous to fight, and weregrieved and discontented to see how things went, and gave them goodwords, saying, that "trees, when they are lopped and cut, grow upagain in a short time, but men, being once lost, cannot easily berecovered." He did not convene the people into an assembly, for fearlest they should force him to act against his judgment； but, likea skilful steersman or pilot of a ship, who, when a sudden squallcomes on, out at sea, makes all his arrangements, sees that all istight and fast, and then follows the dictates of his skill, and mindsthe business of the ship, taking no notice of the tears and entreatiesof the sea-sick and fearful passengers, so he, having shut up thecity gates, and placed guards at all posts for security, followedhis own reason and judgment, little regarding those that cried outagainst him and were angry at his management, although there werea great many of his friends that urged him with requests, and manyof his enemies threatened and accused him for doing as he did, andmany made songs and lampoons upon him, which were sung about the townto his disgrace, reproaching him with the cowardly exercise of hisoffice of general, and the tame abandonment of everything to the enemy'shands.

    Cleon, also, already was among his assailants, making use of the feelingagainst him as a step to the leadership of the people, as appearsin the anapaestic verses of Hermippus-

    "Satyr-king, instead of swords, Will you always handle words？ Very brave indeed we find them, But a Teles lurks behind them.

    "Yet to gnash your teeth you're seen, When the little dagger keen, Whetted every day anew, Of sharp Cleon touches you."

    Pericles, however, was not at all moved by any attacks, but took allpatiently, and submitted in silence to the disgrace they threw uponhim and the ill-will they bore him； and, sending out a fleet of ahundred galleys to Peloponnesus, he did not go along with it in person,but stayed behind, that he might watch at home and keep the city underhis own control, till the Peloponnesians broke up their camp and weregone. Yet to soothe the common people, jaded and distressed with thewar, he relieved them with distributions of public moneys, and ordainednew divisions of subject land. For having turned out all the peopleof Aegina, he parted the island among the Athenians according to lot.Some comfort also, and ease in their miseries, they might receivefrom what their enemies endured. For the fleet, sailing round thePeloponnese, ravaged a great deal of the country, and pillaged andplundered the towns and smaller cities； and by land he himself enteredwith an army the Megarian country, and made havoc of it all. Whenceit is clear that the Peloponnesians, though they did the Atheniansmuch mischief by land, yet suffering as much themselves from themby sea, would not have protracted the war to such a length, but wouldquickly have given it over, as Pericles at first foretold they would,had not some divine power crossed human purposes.

    In the first place, the pestilential disease, or plague, seized uponthe city, and ate up all the flower and prime of their youth and strength.Upon occasion of which, the people, distempered and afflicted in theirsouls, as well as in their bodies, were utterly enraged like madmenagainst Pericles, and, like patients grown delirious, sought to layviolent hands on their physician, or, as it were, their father. Theyhad been possessed, by his enemies, with the belief that the occasionof the plague was the crowding of the country people together intothe town forced as they were now, in the heat of the summer-weather,to dwell many of them together even as they could, in small tenementsand stifling hovels, and to be tied to a lazy course of life withindoors, whereas before they lived in a pure, open, and free air. Thecause and author of all this, said they, is he who on account of thewar has poured a multitude of people in upon us within the walls,and uses all these men that he has here upon no employ or service,but keeps them pent up like cattle, to be overrun with infection fromone another, affording them neither shift of quarters nor any refreshment.

    With the design to remedy these evils, and do the enemy some inconvenience,Pericles got a hundred and fifty galleys ready, and having embarkedmany tried soldiers, both foot and horse, was about to sail out, givinggreat hope to his citizens, and no less alarm to his enemies, uponthe sight of so great a force. And now the vessels having their complementof men, and Pericles being gone aboard his own galley, it happenedthat the sun was eclipsed, and it grew dark on a sudden, to the affrightof all, for this was looked upon as extremely ominous. Pericles, therefore,perceiving the steersman seized with fear and at a loss what to do,took his cloak and held it up before the man's face, and screeninghim with it so that he could not see, asked him whether he imaginedthere was any great hurt, or the sign of any great hurt in this, andhe answering No, "Why," said he, "and what does that differ from this,only that what has caused that darkness there, is something greaterthan a cloak？" This is a story which philosophers tell their scholars.Pericles, however, after putting out to sea, seems not to have doneany other exploit befitting such preparations, and when he had laidsiege to the holy city Epidaurus, which gave him some hope of surrender,miscarried in his design by reason of the sickness. For it not onlyseized upon the Athenians, but upon all others, too, that held anysort of communication with the army. Finding after this the Atheniansill-affected and highly displeased with him, he tried and endeavouredwhat he could to appease and re-encourage them. But he could not pacifyor allay their anger, nor persuade or prevail with them any way, tillthey freely passed their votes upon him, resumed their power, tookaway his command from him, and fined him in a sum of money； whichby their account that say least, was fifteen talents, while they whoreckon most, name fifty. The name prefixed to the accusation was Cleon,as Idomeneus tells us； Simmias, according to Theophrastus； and HeraclidesPonticus gives it as Lacratidas.

    After this, public troubles were soon to leave him unmolested； thepeople, so to say, discharged their passion in their stroke, and losttheir stings in the wound. But his domestic concerns were in an unhappycondition, many of his friends and acquaintance having died in theplague time, and those of his family having long since been in disorderand in a kind of mutiny against him. For the eldest of his lawfullybegotten sons, Xanthippus by name, being naturally prodigal, and marryinga young and expensive wife, the daughter of Tisander, son of Epilycus,was highly offended at his father's economy in making him but a scantyallowance, by little and little at a time. He sent, therefore, toa friend one day and borrowed some money of him in his father Pericles'sname, pretending it was by his order. The man coming afterward todemand the debt, Pericles was so far from yielding to pay it, thathe entered an action against him. Upon which the young man, Xanthippus,thought himself so ill-used and disobliged that he openly reviledhis father； telling first, by way of ridicule, stories about his conversationsat home, and the discourses he had with the sophists and scholarsthat came to his house. As, for instance, how one who was a practicerof the five games of skill, having with a dart or javelin unawaresagainst his will struck and killed Epitimus the Pharsalian, his fatherspent a whole day with Protagoras in a serious dispute, whether thejavelin, or the man that threw it, or the masters of the games whoappointed these sports, were, according to the strictest and bestreason, to be accounted the cause of this mischance. Besides this,Stesimbrotus tells us that it was Xanthippus who spread abroad amongthe people the infamous story concerning his own wife； and in generalthat this difference of the young man's with his father, and the breachbetwixt them, continued never to be healed or made up till his death.For Xanthippus died in the plague time of the sickness. At which timePericles also lost his sister, and the greatest part of his relationsand friends, and those who had been most useful and serviceable tohim in managing the affairs of state. However, he did not shrink orgive in upon these occasions, nor betray or lower his high spiritand the greatness of his mind under all his misfortunes； he was noteven so much as seen to weep or to mourn, or even attend the burialof any of his friends or relations, till at last he lost his onlyremaining legitimate son. Subdued by this blow, and yet striving still,as far as he could, to maintain his principle, and to preserve andkeep up the greatness of his soul, when he came, however, to performthe ceremony of putting a garland of flowers upon the head of thecorpse, he was vanquished by his passion at the sight, so that heburst into exclamations, and shed copious tears, having never doneany such thing in his life before.

    The city having made trial of other generals for the conduct of war,and orators for business of state, when they found there was no onewho was of weight enough for such a charge, or of authority sufficientto be trusted with so great a command regretted the loss of him, andinvited him again to address and advise them, and to reassume theoffice of general. He, however, lay at home in dejection and mourning；but was persuaded by Alcibiades and others of his friends to comeabroad and show himself to the people； who having, upon his appearance,made their acknowledgments, and apologized for their untowardly treatmentof him he undertook the public affairs once more； and, being chosengeneral, requested that the statute concerning base-born children,which he himself had formerly caused to be made, might be suspended；that so the name and race of his family might not, for absolute wantof a lawful heir to succeed, be wholly lost and extinguished. Thecase of the statute was thus： Pericles, when long ago at the heightof his power in the state, having then, as has been said, childrenlawfully begotten, proposed a law that those only should be reputedtrue citizens of Athens who were born of such parents as were bothAthenians. After this, the King of Egypt having sent to the people,by way of present, forty thousand bushels of wheat, which were tobe shared out among the citizens, a great many actions and suits aboutlegitimacy occurred, by virtue of that edict； cases which, till thattime, had not been known nor taken notice of； and several personssuffered by false accusations. There were little less than five thousandwho were convicted and sold for slaves； those who, enduring the test,remained in the government and passed muster for true Athenians werefound upon the poll to be fourteen thousand and forty persons in number.

    It looked strange, that a law, which had been carried so far againstso many people, should be cancelled again by the same man that madeit； yet the present calamity and distress which Pericles labouredunder in his family broke through all objections, and prevailed withthe Athenians to pity him, as one whose losses and misfortunes hadsufficiently punished his former arrogance and haughtiness. His sufferingsdeserved, they thought, their pity, and even indignation, and hisrequest was such as became a man to ask and men to grant； they gavehim permission to enrol his son in the register of his fraternity,giving him his own name. This son afterward, after having defeatedthe Peloponnesians at Arginusae, was, with his fellow-generals, putto death by the people.

    About the time when his son was enrolled, it should seem the plagueseized Pericles, not with sharp and violent fits, as it did othersthat had it, but with a dull and lingering distemper, attended withvarious changes and alterations, leisurely, by little and little,wasting the strength of his body, and undermining the noble facultiesof his soul. So that Theophrastus, in his Morals, when discussingwhether men's characters change with their circumstances, and theirmoral habits, disturbed by the ailings of their bodies, start asidefrom the rules of virtue, has left it upon record, that Pericles,when he was sick, showed one of his friends that came to visit himan amulet or charm that the women had hung about his neck； as muchas to say, that he was very sick indeed when he would admit of sucha foolery as that was.

    When he was now near his end, the best of the citizens and those ofhis friends who were left alive, sitting about him, were speakingof the greatness of his merit, and his power, and reckoning up hisfamous actions and the number of his victories； for there were noless than nine trophies, which, as their chief commander and conquerorof their enemies, he had set up for the honour of the city. They talkedthus together among themselves, as though he were unable to understandor mind what they said, but had now lost his consciousness. He hadlistened, however, all the while, and attended to all, and, speakingout among them, said that he wondered they should commend and takenotice of things which were as much owing to fortune as to anythingelse, and had happened to many other commanders, and, at the sametime, should not speak or make mention of that which was the mostexcellent and greatest thing of all. "For," said he, "no Athenian,through my means, ever wore mourning."

    He was indeed a character deserving our high admiration not only forhis equitable and mild temper, which all along in the many affairsof his life, and the great animosities which he incurred, he constantlymaintained； but also for the high spirit and feeling which made himregard it, the noblest of all his honours that, in the exercise ofsuch immense power, he never had gratified his envy or his passion,nor ever had treated any enemy as irreconcilably opposed to him. Andto me it appears that this one thing gives that otherwise childishand arrogant title a fitting and becoming significance； so dispassionatea temper, a life so pure and unblemished, in the height of power andplace, might well be called Olympian, in accordance with our conceptionsof the divine beings, to whom, as the natural authors of all goodand of nothing evil, we ascribe the rule and government of the world.Not as the poets represent, who, while confounding us with their ignorantfancies, are themselves confuted by their own poems and fictions,and call the place, indeed, where they say the gods make their abode,a secure and quiet seat, free from all hazards and commotions, untroubledwith winds or with clouds, and equally through all time illuminedwith a soft serenity and a pure light as though such were a home mostagreeable for a blessed and immortal nature； and yet, in the meanwhile,affirm that the gods themselves are full of trouble and enmity andanger and other passions, which no way become or belong to even menthat have any understanding. But this will, perhaps seem a subjectfitter for some other consideration, and that ought to be treatedof in some other place.

    The course of public affairs after his death produced a quick andspeedy sense of the loss of Pericles. Those who, while he lived, resentedhis great authority, as that which eclipsed themselves, presentlyafter his quitting the stage, making trial of other orators and demagogues,readily acknowledged that there never had been in nature such a dispositionas his was, more moderate and reasonable in the height of that statehe took upon him, or more grave and impressive in the mildness whichhe used. And that invidious arbitrary power, to which formerly theygave the name of monarchy and tyranny, did then appear to have beenthe chief bulwark of public safety； so great a corruption and sucha flood of mischief and vice followed which he, by keeping weak andlow, had withheld from notice, and had prevented from attaining incurableheight through a licentious impunity.

    THE END