Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe Antiochis, andtownship of Alopece. As to wealth, statements differ； some say hepassed his life in extreme poverty, and left behind him two daughterswhose indigence long kept them unmarried； but Demetrius, the Phalerian,in opposition to this general report, professes in his Socrates toknow a farm at Phalerum going by Aristides's name, where he was interred；and, as marks of his opulence, adduces first, the office of archoneponymus, which he obtained by the lot of the bean； which was confinedto the highest assessed families, called the Pentacosiomedimni； second,the ostracism, which was not usually inflicted on the poorer citizens,but on those of great houses, whose station exposed them to envy；third and last, that he left certain tripods in the temple of Bacchus,offerings for his victory in conducting the representation of dramaticperformances, which were even in our age still to be seen, retainingthis inscription upon them, "The tribe Antiochis obtained the victory：Aristides defrayed the charges： Archestratus's play was acted." Butthis argument, though in appearance the strongest, is of the leastmoment of any. For Epaminondas, who all the world knows was educated,and lived his whole life in much poverty, and also Plato, the philosopher,exhibited magnificent shows, the one an entertainment of flute-players,the other of dithyrambic singers； Dion, the Syracusan, supplying theexpenses of the latter, and Pelopidas those of Epaminondas. For goodmen do not allow themselves in any inveterate and irreconcilable hostilityto receiving presents from their friends, but while looking upon thosethat are accepted to be hoarded up and with avaricious intentionsas sordid and mean, they do not refuse such as, apart from all profit,gratify the pure love of honour and magnificence. Panaetius, again,shows that Demetrius was deceived concerning the tripod by an identityof name. For, from the Persian war to the end of the Peloponnesian,there are upon record only two of the name of Aristides who defrayedthe expense of representing plays and gained the prize, neither ofwhich was the same with the son of Lysimachus； but the father of theone was Xenophilus, and the other lived at a much later time, as theway of writing, which is that in use since the time of Euclides, andthe addition of the name of Archestratus prove, a name which, in thetime of the Persian war, no writer mentions, but which several, duringthe Peloponnesian war, record as that of a dramatic poet. The argumentof Panaetius requires to be more closely considered. But as for theostracism, every one was liable to it, whom his reputation, birth,or eloquence raised above the common level； insomuch that even Damon,preceptor to Pericles, was thus banished, because he seemed a manof more than ordinary sense. And, moreover, Idomeneus says that Aristideswas not made archon by the lot of the bean, but the free electionof the people. And if he held the office after the battle of Plataea,as Demetrius himself has written, it is very probable that his greatreputation and success in the war made him be preferred for his virtueto an office which others received in consideration of their wealth.But Demetrius manifestly is eager not only to exempt Aristides, butSocrates likewise, from poverty, as from a great evil； telling usthat the latter had not only a house of his own, but also seventyminae put out at interest with Crito.

    Aristides being the friend and supporter of that Clisthenes, who settledthe government after the expulsion of the tyrants, and emulating andadmiring Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian, above all politicians, adheredto the aristocratical principles of government； and had Themistocles,son to Neocles, his adversary on the side of the populace. Some saythat, being boys and bred up together from their infancy, they werealways at variance with each other in all their words and actions,as well serious as playful, and that in this their early contentionthey soon made proof of their natural inclinations； the one beingready, adventurous, and subtle, engaging readily and eagerly in everything；the other of a staid and settled temper, intent on the exercise ofjustice, not admitting any degree of falsity, indecorum, or trickery,no, not so much as at his play. Ariston of Chios says the first originof the enmity which rose to so great a height was a love affair； theywere rivals for the affection of the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos,and were passionate beyond all moderation, and did not lay aside theiranimosity when the beauty that had excited it passed away； but, asif it had only exercised them in it, immediately carried their beatsand differences into public business.

    Themistocles, therefore, joining an association of partisans, fortifiedhimself with considerable strength； insomuch that when some one toldhim that were he impartial he would make a good magistrate； "I wish,"replied he, "I may never sit on that tribunal where my friends shallnot plead a greater privilege than strangers." But Aristides walked,so to say, alone on his own path in politics, being unwilling, inthe first place, to go along with his associates in ill-doing, orto cause them vexation by not gratifying their wishes； and, secondly,observing that many were encouraged by the support they had in theirfriends to act injuriously, he was cautious； being of opinion thatthe integrity of his words and actions was the only right securityfor a good citizen.

    However, Themistocles making many dangerous alterations, and withstandingand interrupting him in the whole series of his actions, Aristidesalso was necessitated to set himself against all Themistocles did,partly in self-defence, and partly to impede his power from stillincreasing by the favour of the multitude； esteeming it better tolet slip some public conveniences, rather than that he by prevailingshould become powerful in all things. In fine, when he once had opposedThemistocles in some measures that were expedient, and had got thebetter of him, he could not refrain from saying, when he left theassembly, that unless they sent Themistocles and himself to the barathum,there could be no safety for Athens. Another time, when urging someproposal upon the people, though there were much opposition and stirringagainst it, he yet was gaining the day； but just as the presidentof the assembly was about to put it to the vote, perceiving by whathad been said in debate the inexpediency of his advice, he let itfall. Also he often brought in his bills by other persons, lest Themistocles,through party spirit against him, should be any hindrance to the goodof the public.

    In all the vicissitudes of public affairs, the constancy he showedwas admirable, not being elated with honours, and demeaning himselftranquilly and sedately in adversity； holding the opinion that heought to offer himself to the service of his country without mercenaryviews and irrespectively of any reward, not only of riches, but evenof glory itself. Hence it came, probably, that at the recital of theseverses of Aeschylus in the theatre, relating to Amphiaraus-

    "For not at seeming just, but being so He aims； and from his depth of soil below Harvests of wise and prudent counsels grow, the eyes of all the spectatorsturned on Aristides, as if this virtue, in an especial manner, belongedto him.

    He was a most determined champion for justice, not only against feelingsof friendship and favour, but wrath and malice. Thus it is reportedof him that when prosecuting the law against one who was his enemy,on the judges after accusation refusing to hear the criminal, andproceeding immediately to pass sentence upon him, he rose in hastefrom his seat and joined in petition with him for a hearing, and thathe might enjoy the privilege of the law. Another time, when judgingbetween two private persons, on the one declaring his adversary hadvery much injured Aristides； "Tell me rather, good friend," he said,"what wrong he has done you； for it is your cause, not my own, whichI now sit judge of." Being chosen to the charge of the public revenue,he made it appear, that not only those of his time, but the precedingofficers, had alienated much treasure, and especially Themistocles-

    "Well known he was an able man to be, But with his fingers apt to be too free."

    Therefore, Themistocles associating several persons against Aristides,and impeaching him when he gave in his accounts, caused him to becondemned of robbing the public； so Idomeneus states； but the bestand chiefest men of the city much resenting it, he was not only exemptedfrom the fine imposed upon him, but likewise again called to the sameemployment. Pretending now to repent him of his former practice, andcarrying himself with more remissness, he became acceptable to suchas pillaged the treasury by not detecting or calling them to an exactaccount. So that those who had their fill of the public money beganhighly to applaud Aristides, and sued to the people making interestto have him once more chosen treasurer. But when they were upon thepoint of election, he reproved the Athenians. "When I discharged myoffice well and faithfully," said he, "I was insulted and abused；but now that I have allowed the public thieves in a variety of malpractices,I am considered an admirable patriot. I am more ashamed, therefore,of this present honour than of the former sentence； and I commiserateyour condition, with whom it is more praiseworthy to oblige ill menthan to conserve the revenue of the public." Saying thus, and proceedingto expose the thefts that had been committed, he stopped the mouthsof those who cried him up and vouched for him, but gained real andtrue commendations from the best men.

    When Datis, being sent by Darius under pretence of punishing the Atheniansfor their burning of Sardis, but in reality to reduce the Greeks underhis dominion, landed at Marathon and laid waste the country, amongthe ten commanders appointed by the Athenians for the war, Miltiadeswas of the greatest name； but the second place, both for reputationand power, was possessed by Aristides； and when his opinion to joinbattle was added to that of Miltiades, it did much to incline thebalance. Every leader by his day having the command in chief, whenit came to Aristides's turn he delivered it into the hands of Miltiades,showing his fellow-officers that it is not dishonourable to obey andfollow wise and able men, but, on the contrary, noble and prudent.So appeasing their rivalry, and bringing them to acquiesce in oneand the best advice, he confirmed Miltiades in the strength of anundivided and unmolested authority. For now every one, yielding hisday of command, looked for orders only to him. During the fight themain body of the Athenians being the hardest put to it, the barbarians,for a long time, making opposition there against the tribes Leontisand Antiochis, Themistocles and Aristides being ranged together foughtvaliantly； the one being of the tribe Leontis, the other of the Antiochis.But after they had beaten the barbarians back to their ships, andperceived that they sailed not for the isles, but were driven in bythe force of sea and wind towards the country of Attica, fearing lestthey should take the city, unprovided of defence, they hurried awaythither with nine tribes, and reached it the same day. Aristides,being left with his tribe at Marathon to guard the plunder and prisoners,did not disappoint the opinion they had of him. Amidst the profusionof gold and silver, all sorts of apparel, and other property, morethan can be mentioned, that were in the tents and the vessels whichthey had taken, he neither felt the desire to meddle with anythinghimself, nor suffered others to do it； unless it might be some whotook away anything unknown to him； as Callias, the torch-bearer, did.One of the barbarians, it seems, prostrated himself before this man,supposing him to be a king by his hair and fillet； and, when he hadso done, taking him by the hand, showed him a great quantity of goldhid in a ditch. But Callias, most cruel and impious of men, took awaythe treasure, but slew the man, lest he should tell of him. Hence,they say, the comic poets gave his family the name of Laccopluti,or enriched by the ditch, alluding to the place where Callias foundthe gold. Aristides, immediately after this, was archon； althoughDemetrius, the Phalerian, says he held the office a little beforehe died after the battle of Plataea. But in the records of the successorsof Xanthippides, in whose year Mardonius was overthrown at Plataea,amongst very many there mentioned, there is not so much as one ofthe same name as Aristides； while immediately after Phaenippus, duringwhose term of office they obtained the victory of Marathon, Aristidesis registered.

    Of all his virtues, the common people were most affected with hisjustice, because of its continual and common use； and thus, althoughof mean fortune and ordinary birth, he possessed himself of the mostkingly and divine appellation of just： which kings, however, and tyrantshave never sought after； but have taken delight to be surnamed besiegersof cities, thunderers, conquerors, or eagles again, and hawks； affecting,it seems, the reputation which proceeds from power and violence, ratherthan that of virtue. Although the divinity, to whom they desire tocompare and assimilate themselves, excels, it is supposed, in threethings, immortality, power, and virtue； of which three the noblestand divinest is virtue. For the elements and vacuum have an everlastingexistence； earthquakes, thunders, storms, and torrents have greatpower； but in justice and equity nothing participates except by meansof reason and the knowledge of that which is divine. And thus, takingthe three varieties of feeling commonly entertained towards the deity,the sense of his happiness, fear, and honour of him, people wouldseem to think him blest and happy for his exemption from death andcorruption, to fear and dread him for his power and dominion, butto love, honour, and adore him for his justice. Yet though thus disposed,they covet that immortality which our nature is not capable of, andthat power the greatest part of which is at the disposal of fortune；but give virtue, the only divine good really in our reach, the lastplace, most unwisely； since justice makes the life of such as arein prosperity, power, and authority the life of a god, and injusticeturns it to that of a beast.

    Aristides, therefore, had at first the fortune to be beloved for thissurname, but at length envied. Especially when Themistocles spreada rumour amongst the people that, by determining and judging all mattersprivately, he had destroyed the courts of judicature, and was secretlymaking way for a monarchy in his own person, without the assistanceof guards. Moreover the spirit of the people, now grown high, andconfident with their late victory, naturally entertained feelingsof dislike to all of more than common fame and reputation. Comingtogether, therefore, from all parts into the city, they banished Aristidesby the ostracism, giving their jealousy of his reputation the nameof fear of tyranny. For ostracism was not the punishment of any criminalact, but was speciously said to be the mere depression and humiliationof excessive greatness and power； and was in fact a gentle reliefand mitigation of envious feeling, which was thus allowed to ventitself in inflicting no intolerable injury, only a ten years' banishment.But after it came to be exercised upon base and villainous fellows,they desisted from it； Hyperbolus being the last whom they banishedby the ostracism.

    The cause of Hyperbolus's banishment is said to have been this. Alcibiadesand Nicias, men that bore the greatest sway in the city, were of differentfactions. As the people, therefore, were about to vote the ostracism,and obviously to decree it against one of them consulting togetherand uniting their parties they contrived the banishment of Hyperbolus.Upon which the people, being offended, as if some contempt or affrontwas put upon the thing left off and quite abolished it. It was performed,to be short, in this manner. Every one taking an ostracon, a sherd,that is, or piece of earthenware, wrote upon it the citizen's namehe would have banished, and carried it to a certain part of the market-placesurrounded with wooden rails. First, the magistrates numbered allthe sherds in gross （for if there were less than six thousand, theostracism was imperfect）； then, laying every name by itself, theypronounced him whose name was written by the larger number banishedfor ten years, with the enjoyment of his estate. As therefore, theywere writing the names on the sherds, it is reported that an illiterateclownish fellow, giving Aristides his sherd, supposing him a commoncitizen, begged him to write Aristides upon it； and he being surprisedand asking if Aristides had ever done him any injury, "None at all,"said he, "neither know I the man； but I am tired of hearing him everywherecalled the just." Aristides, hearing this, is said to have made noreply, but returned the sherd with his own name inscribed. At hisdeparture from the city, lifting up his hands to heaven, he made aprayer （the reverse, it would seem, of that of Achilles）, that theAthenians might never have any occasion which should constrain themto remember Aristides.

    Nevertheless, three years after, when Xerxes marched through Thessalyand Boeotia into the country of Attica, repealing the law, they decreedthe return of the banished： chiefly fearing Aristides, lest, joininghimself to the enemy, he should corrupt and bring over many of hisfellow-citizens to the party of the barbarians； much mistaking theman, who, already before the decree, was exerting himself to exciteand encourage the Greeks to the defence of their liberty. And afterwards,when Themistocles was general with absolute power, he assisted himin all ways both in action and counsel； rendering, in considerationof the common security, the greatest enemy he had the most gloriousof men. For when Eurybiades was deliberating to desert the isle ofSalamis, and the galleys of the barbarians putting out by night tosea surrounded and beset the narrow passage and islands, and nobodywas aware how they were environed, Aristides, with great hazard, sailedfrom Aegina through the enemy's fleet； and coming by night to Themistocles'stent and calling him out by himself； "if we have any discretion,"said he, "Themistocles, laying aside at this time our vain and childishcontention, let us enter upon a safe and honourable dispute, vyingwith each other for the preservation of Greece； you in the rulingand commanding, I in the subservient and advising part； even indeed,as I now understand you to be alone adhering to the best advice, incounselling without any delay to engage in the straits. And in this,though our own party oppose, the enemy seems to assist you. For thesea behind, and all around us, is covered with their fleet； so thatwe are under a necessity of approving ourselves men of courage, andfighting whether we will or no； for there is no room left us for flight."To which Themistocles answered, "I would not willingly, Aristides,be overcome by you on this occasion； and shall endeavour, in emulationof this good beginning, to outdo it in my actions." Also relatingto him the stratagem he had framed against the barbarians, he entreatedhim to persuade Eurybiades and show him how it was impossible theyshould save themselves without an engagement； as he was the more likelyto be believed. Whence, in the council of war, Cleocritus, the Corinthian,telling Themistocles that Aristides did not like his advice as hewas present and said nothing, Aristides answered, That he should nothave held his peace if Themistocles had not been giving the best advice；and that he was now silent not out of any good-will to the person,but in approbation of his counsel.

    Thus the Greek captains were employed. But Aristides perceiving Psyttalea,a small island that lies within the straits over against Salamis,to be filled by a body of the enemy, put aboard his small boats themost forward and courageous of his countrymen, and went ashore uponit； and, joining battle with the barbarians, slew them all, exceptsuch more remarkable persons as were taken alive. Amongst these werethree children of Sandauce, the king's sister, whom he immediatelysent away to Themistocles, and it is stated that, in accordance witha certain oracle, they were by the command of Euphrantides, the seer,sacrificed to Bacchus, called Omestes, or the devourer. But Aristides,placing armed men all around the island, lay in wait for such as werecast upon it, to the intent that none of his friends should perish,nor any of his enemies escape. For the closest engagement of the ships,and the main fury of the whole battle, seems to been about this place；for which reason a trophy was erected in Psyttalea.

    After the fight, Themistocles, to sound Aristides, told him they hadperformed a good piece of service, but there was a better yet to bedone, the keeping Asia in Europe, by sailing forthwith to the Hellespontand cutting in sunder the bridge. But Aristides, with an exclamation,bid him think no more of it, but deliberate and find out means forremoving the Mede, as quickly as possible, out of Greece； lest beingenclosed, through want of means to escape, necessity should compelhim to force his way with so great an army. So Themistocles once moredespatched Arnaces, the eunuch, his prisoner, giving him in commandprivately to advertise the king that he had diverted the Greeks fromtheir intention of setting sail for the bridges, out of the desirehe felt to preserve him.

    Xerxes, being much terrified with this, immediately hasted to theHellespont. But Mardonius was left with the most serviceable partof the army, about three hundred thousand men, and was a formidableenemy, confident in his infantry and writing messages of defianceto the Greeks： "You have overcome by sea men accustomed to fight onland, and unskilled at the oar； but there lies now the open countryof Thessaly； and the plains of Boeotia offer a broad and worthy fieldfor brave men, either horse or foot, to contend in." But he sent privatelyto the Athenians, both by letter and word of mouth from the king,promising to rebuild their city, to give them a vast sum of money,and constitute them lords of all Greece, on condition they were notengaged in the war. The Lacedaemonians, receiving news of this, andfearing, despatched an embassy to the Athenians, entreating that theywould send their wives and children to Sparta, and receive supportfrom them for their superannuated. For, being despoiled both of theircity and country, the people were suffering extreme distress. Havinggiven audience to the ambassadors, they returned an answer, upon themotion of Aristides, worthy of the highest admiration； declaring,that they forgave their enemies if they thought all things purchasableby wealth, than which they knew nothing of greater value； but thatthey felt offended at the Lacedaemonians for looking only to theirpresent poverty and exigence, without any remembrance of their valourand magnanimity, offering them their victuals to fight in the causeof Greece. Aristides, making this proposal and bringing back the ambassadorsinto the assembly, charged them to tell the Lacedaemonians, that allthe treasure on the earth or under it was of less value with the peopleof Athens than the liberty of Greece. And, showing the sun to thosewho came from Mardonius, "As long as that retains the same course,so long," said he, "shall the citizens of Athens wage war with thePersians for the country which has been wasted, and the temples thathave been profaned and burnt by them." Moreover, he proposed a decreethat the priests should anathematize him who sent any herald to theMedes, or deserted the alliance of Greece.

    When Mardonius made a second incursion into the country of Attica,the people passed over again into the isle of Salamis. Aristides,being sent to Lacedaemon, reproved them for their delay aid neglectin abandoning Athens once more to the barbarians； and demanded theirassistance for that part of Greece which was not yet lost. The Ephori,hearing this, made show of sporting all day, and of carelessly keepingholy day （for they were then celebrating the Hyacinthian festival）,but in the night, selecting five thousand Spartans, each of whom wasattended by seven Helots, they sent them forth unknown to those fromAthens. And when Aristides again reprehended them, they told him inderision that he either doted or dreamed, for the army was alreadyat Oresteum, in their march towards the strangers, as they calledthe Persians. Aristides answered that they jested unseasonably, deludingtheir friends instead of their enemies. Thus says Idomeneus. But inthe decree of Aristides, not himself, but Cimon, Xanthippus, and Myronidesare appointed ambassadors.

    Being chosen general for the war, he repaired to Plataea with eightthousand Athenians, where Pausanias, generalissimo of all Greece,joined him with the Spartans； and the forces of the other Greeks cameinto them. The whole encampment of the barbarians extended all alongthe bank of the river Asopus, their numbers being so great there wasno enclosing them all, but their baggage and most valuable thingswere surrounded with a square bulwark, each side of which was thelength of ten furlongs.

    Tisamenus, the Elean, had prophesied to Pausanias and all the Greeks,and foretold them victory if they made no attempt upon the enemy,but stood on their defence. But Aristides sending to Delphi, the godanswered that the Athenians should overcome their enemies in casethey made supplication to Jupiter and Juno of Cithaeron, Pan, andthe nymphs Sphragitides, and sacrificed to the heroes Androcrates,Leucon, Pisander, Damocrates, Hypsion, Actaeon, and Polyidus； andif they fought within their own territories in the plain of CeresEleusinia and Proserpine. Aristides was perplexed upon the tidingsof this oracle； since the heroes to whom it commanded him to sacrificehad been chieftains of the Plataeans, and the cave of the nymphs Sphragitideswas on the top of Mount Cithaeron, on the side facing the settingsun of summer time； in which place, as the story goes, there was formerlyan oracle, and many that lived in the district were inspired withit, whom they called Nympholepti, possessed with the nymphs. But theplain of Ceres Eleusinia, and the offer of victory to the Athenians,if they fought in their own territories, recalled them again, andtransferred the war into the country of Attica. In this juncture,Arimnestus, who commanded the Plataeans, dreamed that Jupiter, theSaviour, asked him what the Greeks had resolved upon； and that heanswered, "To-morrow, my Lord, we march our army to Eleusis, and theregive the barbarians battle according to the directions of the oracleof Apollo." And that the god replied they were utterly mistaken, forthat the places spoken of by the oracle were within the bounds ofPlataea, and if they sought there they should find them. This manifestvision having appeared to Arimnestus, when he awoke he sent for themost aged and experienced of his countrymen, with whom, communicatingand examining the matter, he found that near Hysiae, at the foot ofMount Cithaeron, there was a very ancient temple called the templeof Ceres Eleusinia and Proserpine. He therefore forthwith took Aristidesto the place, which was very convenient for drawing up an army offoot, because the slopes at the bottom of the mountain Cithaeron renderedthe plain, where it comes up to the temple, unfit for the movementsof cavalry. Also, in the same place, there was the fane of Androcrates,environed with a thick shady grove. And that the oracle might be accomplishedin all particulars for the hope of victory, Arimnestus proposed, andthe Plataeans decreed, that the frontiers of their country towardsAttica should be removed, and the land given to the Athenians, thatthey might fight in defence of Greece in their own proper territory.This zeal and liberality of the Plataeans became so famous that Alexander,many years after, when he had obtained the dominion of all Asia, uponerecting the walls of Plataea, caused proclamation to be made, bythe herald at the Olympic games, that the king did the Plataeans thisfavour in consideration of their nobleness and magnanimity, because,in the war with the Medes, they freely gave up their land and zealouslyfought with the Greeks.

    The Tegeatans, contesting the post of honour with the Athenians, demandedthat, according to custom, the Lacedaemonians being ranged on theright wing of the battle, they might have the left, alleging severalmatters in commendation of their ancestors. The Athenians being indignantat the claim, Aristides came forward： "To contend with the Tegeatans,"said he, "for noble descent and valour, the present time permits not；but this we say to you, O you Spartans, and you the rest of the Greeks,that place neither takes away nor contributes courage； we shall endeavourby crediting and maintaining the post you assign us to reflect nodishonour on our former performances. For we are come, not to differwith our friends, but to fight our enemies； not to extol our ancestors,but ourselves to behave as valiant men. This battle will manifesthow much each city, captain, and private soldier is worth to Greece."The council of war, upon this address, decided for the Athenians,and gave them the other wing of the battle.

    All Greece being in suspense, and especially the affairs of the Atheniansunsettled, certain persons of great families and possessions havingbeen impoverished by the war, and seeing all their authority and reputationin the city vanished with their wealth, and others in possession oftheir honours and places, convened privately at a house in Plataea,and conspired for the dissolution of the democratic government； and,if the plot should not succeed, to ruin the cause and betray all tothe barbarians. These matters being in agitation in the camp, andmany persons already corrupted, Aristides, perceiving the design,and dreading the present juncture of time, determined neither to letthe business pass unanimadverted upon, nor yet altogether to exposeit； not knowing how many the accusation might reach, and willing toset bounds to his justice with a view to the public convenience. Therefore,of many that were concerned, he apprehended eight only, two of whom,who were first proceeded against and most guilty, Aeschines of Lampraand Agesias of Acharnae, made their escape out of the camp. The resthe dismissed； giving opportunity to such as thought themselves concealedto take courage and repent； intimating that they had in the war agreat tribunal, where they might clear their guilt by manifestingtheir sincere and good intentions towards their country.

    After this, Mardonius made trial of the Grecian courage, by sendinghis whole number of horse, in which he thought himself much the stronger,against them, while they were all pitched at the foot of Mount Cithaeron,in strong and rocky places, except the Megarians. They, being threethousand in number, were encamped on the plain, where they were damagedby the horse charging and making inroads upon them on all hands. Theysent, therefore, in haste to Pausanias, demanding relief, as not beingable alone to sustain the great numbers of the barbarians. Pausanias,hearing this, and perceiving the tents of the Megarians already hidby the multitude of darts and arrows, and themselves driven togetherinto a narrow space, was at a loss himself how to aid them with hisbattalion of heavy-armed Lacedaemonians. He proposed it, therefore,as a point of emulation in valour and love of distinction, to thecommanders and captains who were around him, if any would voluntarilytake upon them the defence and succour of the Megarians. The restbeing backward, Aristides undertook the enterprise for the Athenians,and sent Olympiodorus, the most valiant of his inferior officers,with three hundred chosen men and some archers under his command.These being soon in readiness, and running upon the enemy, as soonas Masistius, who commanded the barbarians' horse, a man of wonderfulcourage and of extraordinary bulk and comeliness of person, perceivedit, turning his steed he made towards them. And they sustaining theshock and joining battle with him, there was a sharp conflict, asthough by this encounter they were to try the success of the wholewar. But after Masistius's horse received a wound and flung him, andhe falling could hardly raise himself through the weight of his armour,the Athenians, pressing upon him with blows, could not easily getat his person, armed as he was, his breast, his head, and his limbsall over, with gold and brass and iron； but one of them at last, runninghim in at the visor of his helmet, slew him； and the rest of the Persians,leaving the body, fled. The greatness of the Greek success was known,not by the multitude of the slain （for an inconsiderable number werekilled）, but by the sorrow the barbarians expressed. For they shavedthemselves, their horses, and mules for the death of Masistius, andfilled the plain with howling and lamentation； having lost a person,who, next to Mardonius himself, was by many degrees the chief amongthem, both for valour and authority.

    After this skirmish of the horse, they kept from fighting a long time；for the soothsayers, by the sacrifices, foretold the victory bothto Greeks and Persians, if they stood upon the defensive part only,but if they became aggressors, the contrary. At length Mardonius,when he had but a few days' provision, and the Greek forces increasedcontinually by some or other that came in to them, impatient of delay,determined to lie still no longer, but passing Asopus by daybreak,to fall unexpectedly upon the Greeks； and signified the same overnight to the captains of his host. But about midnight, a certain horsemanstole into the Greek camp, and coming to the watch, desired them tocall Aristides, the Athenian, to him. He coming speedily, "I am,"said the stranger, "Alexander, king of the Macedonians, and am arrivedhere through the greatest danger in the world for the goodwill I bearyou, lest a sudden onset should dismay you, so as to behave in thefight worse than usual. For to-morrow Mardonius will give you battle,urged, not by any hope of success or courage, but by want of victuals；since, indeed, the prophets prohibit him the battle, the sacrificesand oracles being unfavourable； and the army is in despondency andconsternation； but necessity forces him to try his fortune, or sitstill and endure the last extremity of want." Alexander, thus saying,entreated Aristides to take notice and remember him, but not to tellany other. But he told him, it was not convenient to conceal the matterfrom Pausanias （because he was general）； as for any other, he wouldkeep it secret from them till the battle was fought； but if the Greeksobtained the victory, that then no one should be ignorant of Alexander'sgood-will and kindness towards them. After this, the king of the Macedoniansrode back again, and Aristides went to Pausanias's tent and told himthey sent for the rest of the captains and gave orders that the armyshould be in battle array.

    Here, according to Herodotus, Pausanias spoke to Aristides, desiringhim to transfer the Athenians to the right wing of the army oppositeto the Persians （as they would do better service against them, havingbeen experienced in their way of combat, and emboldened with formervictories）, and to give him the left, where the Medizing Greeks wereto make their assault. The rest of the Athenian captains regardedthis as an arrogant and interfering act on the part of Pausanias；because, while permitting the rest of the army to keep their stations,he removed them only from place to place, like so many Helots, opposingthem to the greatest strength of the enemy. But Aristides said theywere altogether in the wrong. If so short a time ago they contestedthe left wing with the Tegeatans, and gloried in being preferred beforethem, now, when the Lacedaemonians give them place in the right, andyield them in a manner the leading of the army, how is it they arediscontented with the honour that is done them, and do not look uponit as an advantage to have to fight, not against their countrymenand kindred, but barbarians, and such as were by nature their enemies？After this, the Athenians very readily changed places with the Lacedaemonians,and there went words amongst them as they were encouraging each otherthat the enemy approached with no better arms or stouter hearts thanthose who fought the battle of Marathon； but had the same bows andarrows, and the same embroidered coats and gold, and the same delicatebodies and effeminate minds within； "While we have the same weaponsand bodies, and our courage augmented by our victories； and fightnot like others in defence of our country only, but for the trophiesof Salamis and Marathon； that they may not be looked upon as due toMiltiades or fortune, but to the people of Athens." Thus, therefore,were they making haste to change the order of their battle. But theThebans, understanding it by some deserters, forthwith acquaintedMardonius； and he, either for fear of the Athenians, or a desire toengage the Lacedaemonians, marched over his Persians to the otherwing, and commanded the Greeks of his party to be posted oppositeto the Athenians. But this change was observed on the other side,and Pausanias, wheeling about again, ranged himself on the right,and Mardonius, also, as at first, took the left wing over againstthe Lacedaemonians. So the day passed without action.

    After this the Greeks determined in council to remove their camp somedistance, to possess themselves of a place convenient for watering；because the springs near them were polluted and destroyed by the barbariancavalry. But night being come, and the captains setting out towardsthe place designed for their camping, the soldiers were not very readyto follow, and keep in a body, but, as soon as they had quitted theirfirst entrenchments, made towards the city of Plataea； and there wasmuch tumult and disorder as they dispersed to various quarters andproceeded to pitch their tents. The Lacedaemonians, against theirwill, had the fortune to be left by the rest. For Amompharetus, abrave and daring man, who had long been burning with desire of thefight, and resented their many lingerings and delays, calling theremoval of the camp a mere running away and flight, protested he wouldnot desert his post, but would there remain with his company and sustainthe charge of Mardonius. And when Pausanias came to him and told himhe did do these things by the common vote and determination of theGreeks, Amompharetus taking up a great stone and flinging it at Pausanias'feet, and "By this token," said he, "do I give my suffrage for thebattle, nor have I any concern with the cowardly consultations anddecrees of other men." Pausanias, not knowing what to do in the presentjuncture, sent to the Athenians, who were drawing off, to stay toaccompany him； and so he himself set off with the rest of the armyfor Plataea, hoping thus to make Amompharetus move.

    Meantime, day came upon them； and Mardonius （for he was not ignorantof their deserting their camp）, having his army in array, fell uponthe Lacedaemonians with great shouting and noise of barbarous people,as if they were not about to join battle, but crush the Greeks intheir flight. Which within a very little came to pass. For Pausanias,perceiving what was done, made a halt, and commanded every one toput themselves in order for the battle； but either through his angerwith Amompharetus, or the disturbance he was in by reason of the suddenapproach of the enemy, he forgot to give the signal to the Greeksin general. Whence it was that they did not come in immediately orin a body to their assistance, but by small companies and straggling,when the fight was already begun. Pausanias, offering sacrifice, couldnot procure favourable omens, and so commanded the Lacedaemonians,setting down their shields at their feet, to abide quietly and attendhis directions, making no resistance to any of their enemies. Andhe sacrificing again a second time, the horse charged, and some ofthe Lacedaemonians were wounded. At this time, also, Callicrates,who, we are told, was the most comely man in the army, being shotwith an arrow and upon the point of expiring, said that he lamentednot his death （for he came from home to lay down his life in the defenceof Greece）, but that he died without action. The case was indeed hard,and the forbearance of the men wonderful； for they let the enemy chargewithout repelling them； and, expecting their proper opportunity fromthe gods and their general, suffered themselves to be wounded andslain in their ranks. And some say, that while Pausanias was at sacrificeand prayers, some space out of the battle array, certain Lydians,falling suddenly upon him, plundered and scattered the sacrifice：and that Pausanias and his company, having no arms, beat them withstaves and whips； and that, in imitation of this attack, the whippingthe boys about the altar, and after it the Lydian procession, areto this day practised in Sparta.

    Pausanias, therefore, being troubled at these things, while the priestswent on offering one sacrifice after another, turns himself towardsthe temple with tears in his eyes, and lifting up his hands to heavenbesought Juno of Cithaeron, and the other tutelar gods of the Plataeans,if it were not in the fates for the Greeks to obtain the victory,that they might not perish without performing some remarkable thing,and by their actions demonstrating to their enemies that they wagedwar with men of courage and soldiers. While Pausanias was thus inthe act of supplication, the sacrifices appeared propitious, and thesoothsayers foretold victory. The word being given, the Lacedaemonianbattalion of foot seemed, on the sudden, like some one fierce animal,setting up his bristles, and betaking himself to the combat； and thebarbarians perceived that they encountered with men who would fightit to the death. Therefore, holding their wicker-shields before them,they shot their arrows amongst the Lacedaemonians. But they, keepingtogether in the order of a phalanx, and falling upon the enemies,forced their shields out of their hands, and, striking with theirpikes at the breasts and faces of the Persians, overthrew many ofthem, who, however, fell not either unrevenged or without courage.For taking hold of the spears with their bare hands, they broke manyof them, and betook themselves not without effect to the sword； andmaking use of their falchions and scimitars, and wresting the Lacedaemonians'shields from them, and grappling with them, it was a long time thatthey made resistance.

    Meanwhile, for some time, the Athenians stood still, waiting for theLacedaemonians to come up. But when they heard much noise as of menengaged in fight, and a messenger, they say, came from Pausanias,to advertise them of what was going on, they soon hasted to theirassistance. And as they passed through the plain to the place wherethe noise was, the Greeks, who took part with the enemy, came uponthem. Aristides, as soon as he saw them, going a considerable spacebefore the rest, cried out to them, conjuring them by the guardiangods of Greece to forbear the fight, and be no impediment or stopto those who were going to succour the defenders of Greece. But whenhe perceived they gave no attention to him, and had prepared themselvesfor the battle, then turning from the present relief of the Lacedaemonians,he engaged them, being five thousand in number. But the greatest partsoon gave way and retreated, as the barbarians also were put to flight.The sharpest conflict is said to have been against the Thebans, thechiefest and most powerful persons among them at that time sidingzealously with the Medes, and leading the multitude not accordingto their own inclination, but as being subjects of an oligarchy.

    The battle being thus divided, the Lacedaemonians first beat off thePersians； and a Spartan, named Arimnestus, slew Mardonius by a blowon the head with a stone, as the oracle in the temple of Amphiaraushad foretold to him. For Mardonius sent a Lydian thither, and anotherperson, a Carian, to the cave of Trophonius. This latter the priestof the oracle answered in his own language. But the Lydian sleepingin the temple of Amphiaraus, it seemed to him that a minister of thedivinity stood before him and commanded him to be gone； and on hisrefusing to do it, flung a great stone at his head, so that he thoughthimself slain with the blow. Such is the story. -They drove the flierswithin their walls of wood； and, a little time after, the Atheniansput the Thebans to flight, killing three hundred of the chiefest andof greatest note among them in the actual fight itself. For when theybegan to fly, news came that the army of the barbarians was besiegedwithin their palisade； and so giving the Greeks opportunity to savethemselves, they marched to assist at the fortifications； and comingin to the Lacedaemonians, who were altogether unhandy and unexperiencedin storming, they took the camp with great slaughter of the enemy.For of three hundred thousand, forty thousand only are said to haveescaped with Artabazus； while on the Greeks' side there perished inall thirteen hundred and sixty； of which fifty-two were Athenians,all of the tribe Aeantis, that fought, says Clidemus, with the greatestcourage of any； and for this reason the men of this tribe used tooffer sacrifice for the victory, as enjoined by the oracle, to thenymphs Sphragitides at the expense of the public； ninety-one wereLacedaemonians, and sixteen Tegeatans. It is strange, therefore, uponwhat grounds Herodotus can say, that they only, and none other, encounteredthe enemy, for the number of the slain and their monuments testifythat the victory was obtained by all in general； and if the rest hadbeen standing still, while the inhabitants of three cities only hadbeen engaged in the fight, they would not have set on the altar theinscription-

    "The Greeks, when, by their courage and their might, They had repelled the Persian in the fight, The common altar of freed Greece to be, Reared this to Jupiter who guards the free."

    They fought this battle on the fourth day of the month Boedromion,according to the Athenians, but according to the Boeotians, on thetwenty-seventh of Panemus；- on which day there is still a conventionof the Greeks at Plataea, and the Plataeans still offer sacrificefor the victory to Jupiter of freedom. As for the difference of days,it is not to be wondered at, since even at the present time, whenthere is a far more accurate knowledge of astronomy, some begin themonth at one time, and some at another.

    After this, the Athenians not yielding the honour of the day to theLacedaemonians, nor consenting they should erect a trophy, thingswere not far from being ruined by dissension among the armed Greeks；had not Aristides, by much soothing and counselling the commanders,especially Leocrates and Myronides, pacified and persuaded them toleave the thing to the decision of the Greeks. And on their proceedingto discuss the matter, Theogiton, the Megarian, declared the honourof the victory was to be given some other city, if they would preventa civil war； after him Cleocritus of Corinth rising up, made peoplethink he would ask the palm for the Corinthians （for next to Spartaand Athens, Corinth was in greatest estimation）； but he deliveredhis opinion, to the general admiration, in favour of the Plataeans；and counselled to take away all contention by giving them the rewardand glory of the victory, whose being honoured could be distastefulto neither party. This being said, first Aristides gave consent inthe name of the Athenians, and Pausanias, then, for the Lacedaemonians.So, being reconciled, they set apart eighty talents for the Plataeans,with which they built the temple and dedicated the image to Minerva,and adorned the temple with pictures, which even to this very dayretain their lustre. But the Lacedaemonians and Athenians each erecteda trophy apart by themselves. On their consulting the oracle aboutoffering sacrifice, Apollo answered that they should dedicate an altarto Jupiter of freedom, but should not sacrifice till they had extinguishedthe fires throughout the country, as having been defiled by the barbarians,and had kindled unpolluted fire at the common altar at Delphi. Themagistrates of Greece, therefore, went forthwith and compelled suchas had fire to put it out； and Euchidas, a Plataean, promising tofetch fire, with all possible speed, from the altar of the god, wentto Delphi, and having sprinkled and purified his body crowned himselfwith laurel； and taking the fire from the altar ran back to Plataea,and got back there before sunset, performing in one day a journeyof a thousand furlongs； and saluting his fellow-citizens and deliveringthem the fire, he immediately fell down, and in a short time afterexpired. But the Plataeans, taking him up, interred him in the templeof Diana Euclia, setting this inscription over him： "Euchidas ranto Delphi and back again in one day." Most people believe that Eucliais Diana, and call her by that name. But some say she was the daughterof Hercules, by Myrto, the daughter of Menoetius, and sister of Patroclus,and dying a virgin, was worshipped by the Boeotians and Locrians.Her altar and image are set up in all their market-places, and thoseof both sexes that are about marrying sacrifice to her before thenuptials.

    A general assembly of all the Greeks being called, Aristides proposeda decree that the deputies and religious representatives of the Greekstates should assemble annually at Plataea, and every fifth year celebratethe Eleutheria or games of freedom. And that there should be a levyupon all Greece for the war against the barbarians of ten thousandspearmen, one thousand horse, and a hundred sail of ships； but thePlataeans to be exempt, and sacred to the service of the gods, offeringsacrifice for the welfare of Greece. These things being ratified,the Plataeans undertook the performance of annual sacrifice to suchas were slain and buried in that place； which they still perform inthe following manner. On the sixteenth day of Maemacterion （whichwith the Boeotians is Alalcomenus） they make their procession, which,beginning by break of day, is led by a trumpeter sounding for onset；then follow certain chariots loaded with myrrh and garlands； and thena black bull； then come the young men of free birth carrying libationsof wine and milk in large two-handed vessels, and jars of oil andprecious ointments, none of servile condition being permitted to haveany hand in this ministration, because the men died in defence offreedom； after all comes the chief magistrate of Plataea （for whomit is unlawful at other times either to touch iron or wear any othercoloured garment but white）, at that time apparelled in a purple robe；and, taking a water-pot out of the city record-office, he proceeds,bearing a sword in his hand, through the middle of the town to thesepulchres. Then drawing water out of a spring, he washes and anointsthe monuments, and sacrificing the bull upon a pile of wood, and makingsupplication to Jupiter and Mercury of the earth, invites those valiantmen who perished in the defence of Greece to the banquet and the libationsof blood. After this, mixing a bowl of wine, and pouring out for himself,he says, "I drink to those who lost their lives for the liberty ofGreece." These solemnities the Plataeans observe to this day.

    Aristides perceived that the Athenians, after their return into thecity, were eager for a democracy； and deeming the people to deserveconsideration on account of their valiant behaviour, as also thatit was a matter of difficulty, they being well armed, powerful, andfull of spirit with their victories, to oppose them by force, he broughtforward a decree that every one might share in the government andthe archons be chosen out of the whole body of the Athenians. Andon Themistocles telling the people in assembly that he had some advicefor them, which could not be given in public, but was most importantfor the advantage and security of the city, they appointed Aristidesalone to hear and consider it with him. And on his acquainting Aristidesthat his intent was to set fire to the arsenal of the Greeks, forby that means should the Athenians become supreme masters of all Greece,Aristides, returning to the assembly, told them that nothing was moreadvantageous than what Themistocles designed, and nothing more unjust.The Athenians, hearing this, gave Themistocles order to desist； suchwas the love of justice felt by the people, and such the credit andconfidence they reposed in Aristides.

    Being sent in joint commission with Cimon to the war, he took noticethat Pausanias and the other Spartan captains made themselves offensiveby imperiousness and harshness to the confederates； and by being himselfgentle and considerate with them, and by the courtesy and disinterestedtemper which Cimon, after his example, manifested in the expeditions,he stole away the chief command from the Lacedaemonians, neither byweapons, ships, or horses, but by equity and wise policy. For theAthenians being endeared to the Greeks by the justice of Aristidesand by Cimon's moderation, the tyranny and selfishness of Pausaniasrendered them yet more desirable. He on all occasions treated thecommanders of the confederates haughtily and roughly； and the commonsoldiers he punished with stripes, or standing under the iron anchorfor a whole day together； neither was it permitted for any to providestraw for themselves to lie on, or forage for their horses, or tocome near the springs to water before the Spartans were furnished,but servants with whips drove away such as approached. And when Aristidesonce was about to complain and expostulate with Pausanias, he toldhim with an angry look that he was not at leisure, and gave no attentionto him. The consequence was that the sea captains and generals ofthe Greeks, in particular, the Chians, Samians, and Lesbians, cameto Aristides and requested him to be their general, and to receivethe confederates into his command, who had long desired to relinquishthe Spartans and come over to the Athenians. But he answered thathe saw both equity and necessity in what they said, but their fidelityrequired the test of some action, the commission of which would makeit impossible for the multitude to change their minds again. Uponwhich Uliades, the Samian, and Antagoras of Chios, conspiring together,ran in near Byzantium on Pausanias's galley, getting her between themas she was sailing before the rest. But when Pausanias, beholdingthem, arose up and furiously threatened soon to make them know thatthey had been endangering not his galley, but their own countries,they bid him go his way, and thank Fortune that fought for him atPlataea； for hitherto, in reverence to that, the Greeks had forbornefrom inflicting on him the punishment he deserved. In fine, they allwent off and joined the Athenians. And here the magnanimity of theLacedaemonians was wonderful. For when they perceived that their generalswere becoming corrupted by the greatness of their authority, theyvoluntarily laid down the chief command, and left off sending anymore of them to the wars, choosing rather to have citizens of moderationand consistent in the observance of their customs, than to possessthe dominion of all Greece.

    Even during the command of the Lacedaemonians, the Greeks paid a certaincontribution towards the maintenance of the war； and being desirousto be rated city by city in their due proportion, they desired Aristidesof the Athenians, and gave him command, surveying the country andrevenue, to assess every one according to their ability and what theywere worth. But he, being so largely empowered, Greece as it weresubmitting all her affairs to his sole management, went out poor andreturned poorer； laying the tax not only without corruption and injustice,but to the satisfaction and convenience of all. For as the ancientscelebrated the age of Saturn, so did the confederates of Athens Aristides'staxation, terming it the happy time of Greece； and that more especially,as the sum was in a short time doubled, and afterwards trebled. Forthe assessment which Aristides made was four hundred and sixty talents.But to this Pericles added very near one third part more； for Thucydidessays that in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the Athenianshad coming in from their confederates six hundred talents. But afterPericles's death. the demagogues, increasing by little and little,raised it to the sum of thirteen hundred talents； not so much throughthe war's being so expensive and changeable either by its length orill success, as by their alluring the people to spend upon largessesand playhouse allowances, and in erecting statues and temples. Aristides,therefore, having acquired a wonderful and great reputation by thislevy of the tribute, Themistocles is said to have derided him, asif this had been not the commendation of a man, but a money-bag； aretaliation, though not in the same kind for some free words whichAristides had used. For he, when Themistocles once was saying thathe thought the highest virtue of a general was to understand and foreknowthe measures the enemy would take, replied, "This, indeed, Themistocles,is simply necessary, but the excellent thing in a general is to keephis hands from taking money."

    Aristides, moreover, made all the people of Greece swear to keep theleague, and himself took the oath in the name of the Athenians, flingingwedges of red-hot iron into the sea, after curses against such asshould make breach of their vow. But afterwards, it would seem, whenthings were in such a state as constrained them to govern with a strongerhand, he bade the Athenians to throw the perjury upon him, and manageaffairs as convenience required. And, in general, Theophrastus tellsus, that Aristides was, in his own private affairs, and those of hisfellow-citizens, rigorously just, but that in public matters he actedoften in accordance with his country's policy, which demanded, sometimes,not a little injustice. It is reported of him that he said in a debate,upon the motion of the Samians for removing the treasure from Delosto Athens, contrary to the league, that the thing indeed was not justbut was expedient.

    In fine, having established the dominion of his city over so manypeople, he himself remained indigent； and always delighted as muchin the glory of being poor, as in that of his trophies； as is evidentfrom the following story. Callias, the torch-bearer, was related tohim； and was prosecuted by his enemies in a capital cause, in which,after they had slightly argued the matters on which they indictedhim, they proceeded, besides the point, to address the judges： "Youknow," said they, "Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, who is the admirationof all Greece. In what a condition do you think his family is in athis house, when you see him appear in public in such a threadbarecloak？ Is it not probable that one who, out of doors, goes thus exposedto the cold, must want food and other necessaries at home？ Callias,the wealthiest of the Athenians, does nothing to relieve either himor his wife and children in their poverty, though he is his own cousin,and has made use of him in many cases, and often reaped advantageby his interest with you." But Callias, perceiving the judges weremoved more particularly by this, and were exasperated against him,called in Aristides, requiring him to testify that when he frequentlyoffered him divers presents, and entreated him to accept them, hehad refused, answering that it became him better to be proud of hispoverty than Callias of his wealth； since there are many to be seenthat make a good or bad use of riches, but it is difficult, comparatively,to meet with one who supports poverty in a noble spirit； those onlyshould be ashamed of it who incurred it against their wills. On Aristidesdeposing these facts in favour of Callias, there was none who heardthem that went not away desirous rather to be poor like Aristidesthan rich as Callias. Thus Aeschines, the scholar of Socrates, writes.But Plato declares that, of all the great renowned men in the cityof Athens, he was the only one worthy of consideration； for Themistocles,Cimon, and Pericles filled the city with porticoes, treasure, andmany other vain things, but Aristides guided his public life by therule of justice. He showed his moderation very plainly in his conducttowards Themistocles himself. For though Themistocles had been hisadversary in all his undertakings, and was the cause of his banishment,yet when he afforded a similar opportunity of revenge, being accusedto the city, Aristides bore him no malice； but while Alcmaeon, Cimon,and many others were prosecuting and impeaching him, Aristides aloneneither did nor said any ill against him, and no more triumphed overhis enemy in his adversity than he had envied him his prosperity.

    Some say Aristides died in Pontus, during a voyage upon the affairsof the public. Others that he died of old age at Athens being in greathonour and veneration amongst his fellow-citizens. But Craterus, theMacedonian, relates his death as follows. After the banishment ofThemistocles, he says, the people growing insolent, there sprung upa number of false and frivolous accusers, impeaching the best andmost influential men and exposing them to the envy of the multitude,whom their good fortune and power had filled with self-conceit. Amongstthese, Aristides was condemned of bribery upon the accusation of Diophantusof Amphitrope, for taking money from the Ionians when he was collectorof the tribute； and being unable to pay the fine, which was fiftyminae, sailed to Ionia, and died there. But of this Craterus bringsno written proof, neither the sentence of his condemnation, nor thedecree of the people； though in general it is tolerably usual withhim to set down such things and to cite his authors. Almost all otherswho have spoken of the misdeeds of the people towards their generalscollect them all together, and tell us of the banishment of Themistocles,Miltiades's bonds, Pericles's fine, and the death of Paches in thejudgment-hall, who, upon receiving sentence, killed himself on thehustings, with many things of the like nature. They add the banishmentof Aristides； but of this his condemnation they make no mention.

    Moreover, his monument is to be seen at Phalerum, which they say wasbuilt him by the city, he not having left enough even to defray funeralcharges. And it is stated that his two daughters were publicly marriedout of the prytaneum, or state-house, by the city, which decreed eachof them three thousand drachmas for her portion； and that upon hisson Lysimachus the people bestowed a hundred minas of money, and asmany acres of planted land, and ordered him besides, upon the motionof Alcibiades, four drachmas a day. Furthermore, Lysimachus leavinga daughter, named Polycrite, as Callisthenes says, the people votedher, also, the same allowance for food with those that obtained thevictory in the Olympic Games. But Demetrius the Phalerian, Hieronymusthe Rhodian, Aristoxenus the musician, and Aristotle （if the Treatiseof Nobility is to be reckoned among the genuine pieces of Aristotle）say that Myrto, Aristides's granddaughter, lived with Socrates thephilosopher, who indeed had another wife, but took her into his house,being a widow, by reason of her indigence and want of the necessariesof life. But Panaetius sufficiently confutes this in his book concerningSocrates. Demetrius the Phalerian, in his Socrates, says he knew oneLysimachus, son to the daughter of Aristides, extremely poor, whoused to sit near what is called the Iaccheum, and sustained himselfby a table for interpreting dreams； and that, upon his proposal andrepresentations, a decree was passed by the people to give the motherand aunt of this man half a drachma a day. The same Demetrius, whenhe was legislating himself, decreed each of these women a drachmaper diem. And it is not to be wondered at, that the people of Athensshould take such care of people living in the city, since hearingthe granddaughter of Aristogiton was in a low condition in the isleof Lemnos, and so poor nobody would marry her, they brought her backto Athens, and marrying her to a man of good birth, gave a farm atPotamus as her marriage-portion； and of similar humanity and bountythe city of Athens, even in our age, has given numerous proofs, andis justly admired and respected in consequence.

    THE END